Hello my friends, today is June 22nd and this is Markets Weekly. So this week, another good weekend markets, S&P 500 making new all-time highs. However, our remain cautious, my expectation is that we correct and I hope to buy the dip in the coming weeks. Okay, so today I want to talk about three things. First, let's talk about some news from the People's Bank of China, where their governor pan seems to be suggesting that they are going to be enlarging their toolkit to include buying and selling of government bonds in the secondary market.
Secondly, so this past week we also had new impetus in the developed market central bank cutting cycle. We had the S&B cut a second time this year and the Bank of England inching towards cuts maybe as early as August. So let's talk a little bit about what's going on over there. And lastly, now the latest University of Michigan consumer sentiment data shows that US consumers continue to be unhappy. Now that's been confusing a lot of people since on the surface it looks like the economy is doing well. Let's explore a couple theories that try to explain this discrepancy.
Okay, starting with China. So let's level set a little bit. So a few months ago, there were some reporting that person she in a speech suggested that the central bank there could be buying and selling government bonds. Now that speech was actually made last year, but only I guess leaked into to the press in the past few months. Last week, though, we got more details as to what that could mean. Governor Penn of the People's Bank of China gave a speech highlighting some changes that he would make in how the central bank operates including some more active buying and selling of government bonds in the secondary market. Now this doesn't necessarily mean QE, but it does mean the capability of doing so. In order to understand this, I think it's helpful to have some more context on how the PBOC operates.
So first of all, what is their mandate? So the Fed full employment price stability, ECB price stability, supporting the goals of the European Union and so forth. In China, the PBOC is charged with protecting the value of the currency, so stability of the currency with the view towards economic growth. Now what does that mean? Well, one way you can think about it is of course an inflation mandate because having a stable currency is the same thing as having stable inflation, but that takes on an additional dimension when it comes to China because they have a managed float. So internally, of course, it has to do with inflation stability externally. It has to make sure that the currency doesn't move too much on the exchange rate front.
Now the second part in looking at the PBOC is just how does it go about implementing its monetary policy. In the US, of course, we know the Fed adjusts the overnight interest rate up or down and sometimes of course also does suffer its balance sheet to try to influence long-rated interest rates. Now the PBOC is a bit different because in addition to interest rate tools, they also have quantitative tools. So this is something that the Fed used to do as well. So for actually a large part of the Fed's history, when they managed the economy, they were thinking in terms of credit growth, money supply and things like that. But what they found in their experience is that managing these quantitative aggregates just wasn't very effective.
Part of this was that because the Fed lived in a somewhat of an open economy. Whenever they tried to have control over quantities of, let's say, credit or M2 or stuff like that, the banks and the borrowers could simply just leave the US and set up shop elsewhere. You had a very vibrant offshore dollar market in London, basically, allowing them to easily evade any quantitative restrictions that the Fed put on domestic credit growth. So the Fed over the years transitioned to basically focusing solely on price. You won't ever hear the Fed talk about, oh my gosh, I'm trying to have these M2 supply targets or something like that. That's just not how they think about it.
They think really just based on interest rates, which is a price. But in China, things are a bit different. They have a somewhat of a closed financial system and one that's very much bank dominated. So if you want to borrow money in China, oftentimes it's through the banking sector. So the People's Bank of China tries to control, tries to have influence over the economic conditions, not just through adjusting the prices, money interest rates through things like seven-day repo or a medium-term lending, but also trying to adjust things like the reserve ratio, which of course we used to do in the US as well, trying to control the overall quantity of credit created by the banking sector.
Now, what seems like they want to do now is to also have an additional tool to have more control over market-based financing, which while still relatively small in China is growing. So what do I mean by market-based financing? In the US, if you want to borrow money, you can go to a bank, but oftentimes, especially if you are a large corporation or someone wealthy, you can go to the market and you could either say float a bond or if you hold something like a treasure security or corporate bond, you can also sell it and in return get cash. Now, this is a big part of how the US financial system works. And so the Fed, of course, expanded its footprint to have a bigger role in these market-based financing things, most notably in quantitative easing, trying to lower long-term interest rates, but also when the market freezes up to provide emergency lending.
Remember, during the pandemic, everyone who held treasuries was trying to sell treasuries and get cash. Now, that's works fine provided that there are also people who are trying to buy treasuries at the time that is to say, put cash into the market and take a treasury security out. In 2020, there was this huge imbalance between the supply and demand, such that the Fed had to come in and ultimately buy enormous amounts of treasury securities, which is to say, add cash into the market so that investors could take cash out. When you are a bank-dominated financial system, you don't really worry about this because when people go to the bank to ask for cash, the bank can turn around and ask for cash from the central bank through, let's say, the discount window.
Now, it seems like in China, as their financial system grows, the central bank there would also like the ability to be active in the secondary markets, not just to say, implement quantitative easing, that is to say, try to have more influence over longer-dated parts of the curve. I don't think that's what they're trying to do. But also, in the event that you have a liquidity panic in the market, you could be there and support the market just like the Fed did in March 2020. Now, what's been happening in China over the past few months is there's been a tremendous bull market in bonds. And you can see here that their long-dated interest rates are really coming down. And that seems to be worrying the authorities a bit.
They are mindful of what happened, say, in Silicon Valley Bank, which was actually explicitly mentioned in government or pan speech. That there is some serious interest rates risk here where the markets became disorderly. Now, having that capability to go and buy or sell securities when the market becomes disorderly is really important, especially as the capital markets grow. So that seems to be the indication of what they're trying to do, just to have this capability. Not clear if they need to use it. But of course, if you're a central bank, you always want to have this tool there in the back of your pocket. So that seems to be the direction in their working towards, and to be clear, many, basically all other central banks have this. ECB, of course, can go and buy securities, Canada can, of course, S&B can, of course, as well.
So it's something that they are developing, and it's in line with having a more developed financial system. So that seems to be what's happening there, and it'd be interesting to see how that develops. Of course, it does open the door to quantitative easing, but I'm not sure they're hinting at that at all. Okay, the second thing that I want to talk about is the acceleration in the developed market rate cutting cycle. Now, remember this rate cutting cycle began when the Swish National Bank cut interest rates earlier in the year. Why did they cut interest rates? It's because inflation was lower than expected, and this time around, they're cutting interest rates for the same reason. Looking at their projections, it looks like they're thinking that inflation will actually be around 1%.
So there's really no reason for interest rates to be where they are today, and they cut it by 25 basis points. Now, part of this, of course, appears to be this sudden surge in the strength of the Swish Frank, especially against the Euro. As we discussed last week, there's some political risk in the European Union, and that's causing a bit of a flight to safety into the Swish Frank. Now, the Switzerland being, of course, an economy that has a big export sector, they're sensitive to fluctuations in currency, and the Central Bank may be trying to manage the strength in the Swish Frank by cutting rates and weakening it a bit.
Now, in addition to the S&B last week, we also had the Bank of England. There, while they did not cut rates, you had two members of the committee want to cut rates. The market now is pricing in about a 50% chance that we could get a rate cut as early as August. Now, looking at the data in England, it's clear to see why the market thinks this way. Now, inflation has definitely been coming down. When you harmonize inflation across so across different methodologies across the restrictions, you'll see that inflation in the UK has been coming down as it has been coming down in the US and other DMs as well.
现在,除了上周的S&B(瑞士国家银行),我们还关注了英格兰银行(Bank of England)。在英格兰银行那边,虽然他们没有降息,但委员会中有两名成员希望降息。现在市场预期我们可能在8月就会看到一次降息的可能性约为50%。现在,看看英国的数据,很明显能理解为什么市场会这样认为。目前,通胀确实在回落。根据不同方法和限制条件进行的通胀调整显示,英国的通胀和美国及其他发达市场一样都在下降。
So it makes sense for the Bank of England to be thinking of moderating their sense of restrictiveness. In addition, you can also see that their unemployment rate has been taking higher. So they're going to have to be thinking a little bit more about growth in addition to inflation going forward. So it's no surprise that the market is beginning to think that, again, the Bank of England will join the ECB, Canada, Swish National Bank, and embarking upon a rate cutting cycle, and maybe sooner than we expect, the Fed will be cutting rates as well. Find out more about that as the data comes in over the coming weeks.
Okay, the last thing that I want to talk about is US consumer sentiment data. So this past week, we got data from the University of Michigan that shows that US consumer sentiment continues to be very poor. Now, this has been confounding a lot of pundits because when they look at the employment data, it seems like we continue to grow jobs and when they look at GDP growth, it seems like it's above trend. When they look at wages, it seems like wage growth is strong.
And so a lot of people don't understand why the consumers are so downbeat when the economic data seems to suggest that things should be better. I mean, not to mention the stock market, which continues to make all time highs almost all almost every single day. Now, there's a couple good theories that are being put forth to explain it that both have pretty good, I think, makes sense to me. Now, the first one, of course, is partisanship. So looking at this chart from the Richmond Fed, you notice that when you have a Democratic president, Republican, Republican consumer sentiments are very poor. And when you have a Republican president, Democratic consumer sentiments tend to be poor.
So part of the reason we're seeing this could be just Republican voters are just really, really downbeat on President Biden. So polarization could be one of the possible explanations of this data. Another explanation that is a bit more data-driven is from a paper put forth by a team of economists, including Larry Summers. And that is to say that a lot of the measures of data that we're looking at don't properly account for things that are important to the consumer.
For example, looking at CPI inflation. Now, when we look at CPI inflation, it looks like it went up a lot, and then it came down a lot. CPI inflation at about 3%. Why is the consumer still so upset? Now, the team of economists think that because CPI doesn't fully capture some things that are really important to the consumer, such as financing costs. So, even though the rate of increase in a lot of prices have come down, consumers still look at, say, mortgage rates and car loans as being much higher than they were before, and that matters to them.
Now, pre-1983, the CPI was actually calculated in a way that included these costs of home ownership, but it was later taken out. So, the team of economists reconstructed the CPI to, in the same way as it was in 1983, including these costs of home ownership financing rate measures, and they end up with a number that is very different from the CPI that we see right now. Their reconstruction shows that CPI went a lot higher than the official CPI in right now remains much higher as well.
Now, it seems like consumers care a lot about financing rates, and so even though many other data measures are showing improvement, showing good results, this cost of financing is not being captured in those measures, and it's really important to the consumer. And so, basically, we are mismeasuring what the consumer considers to be important. And the team of economists further take their measure and try and use it to try to explain the gap between what's predicted by economic data and consumer sentiment, and they think that it counts for a lot of the gap.
So, what we're seeing now basically isn't that the voters are stupid, it's that the measures that are used are just not accurate. So, that seems to be what's happening there. Don't think that they're going to change it though. One of the interesting things was, I think when you have financing costs in CPI though, when you raise rates, you actually make CPI higher, and when you lower rates, you make CPI lower. So, it kind of sits you open up bizarre situation.
Okay, so that's all I prepared. Thanks so much for tuning in. If you're interested in my thoughts, find me at FedGuy.com, or if you're interested in learning more about markets, check out my online courses at centralbaking101.com. Talk to you guys next week.