In our previous video on the history of pre-modern Ukraine, we provided a brief survey of the ancient and medieval history of the lands that make up modern Ukraine, culminating with the formation of the Kingdom of Rothania.
In the second part of this series, as we move on to the early modern era, we will focus on a very specific yet fundamental pillar of Ukrainian ethnogenesis, Kosaks, the Free Men of the Wild Plains.
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The story of the Cossacks begins with the lands of modern Ukraine under foreign rule, but not by who you might expect. In 1323, the Kingdom of Rethynia was ruled jointly by two brother Kings, Andrew and Lev the Second, the great-grand sons of the Kingdom's founder Danilo. It was that year that disaster struck, as both were killed in a battle fought against their ostensible suzerain, Uzbek Khan of the Golden Horde. As neither brother had any heirs, Danilo's branch of the Ryrikid bloodline went extinct, and Rethynia was left without a rightful ruler.
Caught in such a state of vulnerability, the Rethynian Kingdom came into the crosshairs of two up-and-coming powers, Poland and Lithuania. To vastly oversimplify a half-decade of complex political jockeying, the Kingdom of Rethynia was ultimately partitioned between the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, who carved it in twain along the historic borders of the principalities of Galicia and Fellynia. Surprisingly enough, it was the Lithuanians, who for a time, were the most powerful overlords in the proto-Ukrainian world.
After the dynamic Grand Duke Gediminus, the last pagan country in Europe, had become a mighty military juggernaut, remarkably defeating the seemingly invincible Mongol juggernaut of the Golden Horde to annex not just the far-west principality of Fellynia, but also lands in eastern and central Ukraine, such as Chenahiv, Perieslav, Bhedolia and even Kiv.
At the dawn of the 1400s, nearly all the historic Rus' princedoms were either under Polish or Lithuanian rule. At the onset, this was not a terrible arrangement, and the Lithuanians in particular were light rulers. However, in the centuries that followed, the self-determination of the Rethynian religion, language and culture in the occupied territories was gradually rolled back. The catalyst for this began in 1385, when a matrimonial union between Grand Duke Jugayla and Queen Ytviga united the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Kingdom of Poland.
In order to secure this union, the Lithuanian Duke officially converted to Catholicism, the faith of the Poles. This had two-fold implications. The last vestige of paganism in Europe was snuffed, while the influence of Rethynian Orthodox Christianity in his realm declined. Then, in 1569, after a series of arrangements that entwined Poland and Lithuania ever closer to one another politically, the union of Lublin officially merged the two sides into one commonwealth.
Per the terms of the union, Rethynian lands were annexed into the administration of the Polish crown, under which the Polish language, culture and faith was predominant, and the old Orthodox Rus' elite faced ever more pressure to convert to Catholicism and Polinise.
The squeeze of Polish rule on Rethynian lands was felt not only among the native nobility, but the peasantry as well. Under Rethynian and later Lithuanian rule, the majority of medieval Ukraine's land had been owned by small landowners and tilled by free peasants. However, as profits from grain exports increased in the 15th century, the land was opened up to Polish Catholic nobles, magnates and small landowners were replaced by huge latifundia agricultural estates. Consequently, the peasantry who formally enjoyed freedom of movement was shackled into serfdom, bound to the land of their Catholic lords and forced to uphold strict agricultural obligations to their masters.
During the time of the Polish-Lithuanian rule, the lands of Western Ukraine were urbanized, cosmopolitan and highly developed. However, the same could not be said for the east. The reason for this was the Crimean Cunnit, a successor state of the Golden Horde, who considered the fields of Ukraine to be theirs, since it had once belonged to the Mongol Khans, and thus annually raided into Commonwealth lands for slaves, turning eastern Ukraine into a long, violent and volatile frontier.
To fortify this region, the Lithuanians built a string of forts along the frontier, which they garrisoned with mercenaries, originally of mostly tartar Turkic origin, but later joined by Slavic militias too. However, since these forts were so far away from the governing centres of the Grand Duchy, they went rogue and became autonomous military communities unto themselves.
Later on, princes and nobles within the Polish Commonwealth began incentivising peasants to move into those steppe borderlands, offering them exemptions from taxes and indentured labour in return for developing the dangerous land. However, when the Polish aristocrats attempted to reimpose the tenets of serfdom upon these fledgling communities, many of the now-freedom accustomed peasants refused to be collared to a lord once again, and fled further eastwards and southwards to the fields along the Lower Dnieper River, dangerously close to the domain of the slavers of the Crimean Cunnit. There, the runaways likely intermingled with the already autonomous mercenary free-booters in the region. Abandoning their agricultural lifestyle, they armed themselves and began roaming the wild plains as hunters and brigands.
Over the next century, the lands of eastern Ukraine continued to serve as an escape valve for the disenfranchised to flee Polish aristocratic rule without struggling against it. Not only peasants took this route, but indebted nobles and defrocked priests as well. It would be this diverse cast of misfits who would ultimately form the core of an emergent free Cossack society.
Let us now take a break from the march of history to essentialise what life as a Cossack was like. Although most of the Cossacks never abandoned their agricultural ways, a sizable portion lived a quasi-nomadic lifestyle, sustaining themselves by hunting in the steps and fishing along the rivers. They roamed the wild plains in covered wagons, which were always ready to be drawn up into a defensive square formation in the event of an attack.
Indeed, true to their popular image, the average Cossack was a warlike individual. In the early stages of their existence, their principal enemy was the raiders of the Crimean and Nogai Khanats, with whom they cohabited the steppe frontier. Despite their popular image as Cowboy-esque horsemen, the majority of Cossacks fought as infantrymen. However, they still focused on mobility, speed and hit and run tactics, with the rifle as their primary weapon, which they wielded with dead eye accuracy. At sea, the Cossacks were strategic lightning raiders, plying their long-rowing galleys to strike Tata forts along the Danube River, and sometimes going even further, brutally sacking the coastal Anatolian settlements of the mighty Ottoman Empire. In that sense, the Cossacks fought in a manner not unlike the Varangian Vikings of old.
Although the Cossacks spent most of their time on the roam, eventually, permanent settlements did begin building up around where they gathered. Eventually, these settlements became bustling trade on trapez, and peoples as far flung as Muscovites, Persians, Greeks, Armenians and Jews began gravitating towards the wild plains to trade for the gold, jewellery, slaves and animals accumulated by the Cossacks on their hunts and raids. As a result, these settlements grew profusely wealthy, but despite this, Cossack Society was remarkably egalitarian for the time.
According to legend, all wealth in Cossack compounds was owned collectively, with individuals' homes remaining unlocked and open at all times, although this is not grounded in historical fact. What is certain is that Cossack Society was democratic, while hierarchy did exist in Cossack Brotherhoods, with individual bands usually led by a supreme leader known as a Hetman or Attaman. Decisions that affected the entire Brotherhood were voted upon by public military councils, known as Radis, where the rule of the majority reigned supreme.
Oftentimes, Hetman themselves were elected officials, and could be removed or even executed if they acted against the collective interests of his Brotherhood. The roots of Cossack Democracy likely stem from many places, with some claiming the Cossacks adopted the social structure of their Turkic neighbours. Others arguing it was a symptom of their desire to be free of Polish feudalism, and others claiming that its roots could be found in the inherently democratic customs of the old Kievan Rus.
This brings us to the topic of language and religion, for while the Cossacks were always a multi-ethnic phenomenon, and originally their Hetmans were mostly Polish-speaking Catholics, over time the importance of the Rethenian language and Rethenian Orthodox Christianity predominated as symbolic speartips of their martial culture.
Now letters briefly zoom out and examine the world that the Cossacks inhabited. By the 16th century, Eastern Europe was a theatre contested by three main spheres of power. The first was of course the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The second was the Ottoman Empire, exercising influence through their vassals, the aforementioned Crimean Khanate. The third was the Muscovites, who in 1480 had ended the last vestiges of Mongol rule over the historic territories of northern Rus, and gone on an expansionist campaign that included the annexation of Chenahiv and Smolensk, marking the first time any Ukrainian lands came under the rule of Moscow.
A century later, Ivan IV, yes the terrible one, founded the Zardim of Russia. Nestled between sultans, Khans, Zars and Catholic kings, the Cossacks would rise and thrive. Of course at the onset, the Cossacks were at least ostensibly living on lands belonging to the Polish Crown, who found themselves in a quandary regarding their Cossacks' squatters. On one hand, they were openly defiant of the feudal authorities of the Polish Crown, but on the other hand, they were extremely useful as a buffer in fighting off Tatar raids into Commonwealth lands.
In the 1570s, the Polish king Stefan Batori tried to two birds one stone the situation by incorporating the Cossacks into the royal army of the Commonwealth through a registry system. This was largely a failure. Firstly, because the Polish government rarely paged the Cossacks their promised salaries, and secondly because the free-willed Cossacks were ever reticent to fight for any cause other than their own. Moreover, only a small minority of Cossacks were given the legal status of being registered, meaning the Polish government still saw the majority of them as illegal troublemakers and expected them to disband.
All this led to increasing tensions between the Cossacks and the Commonwealth Crown. Until the registered Cossacks, as few as they were, were integrated into the Polish state apparatus, and their leaders were even legitimised as quasi-nobility, given lands and estates to run. This however would backfire spectacularly. In 1590, a Cossack Hetman by the name of Christov Kuzinsky was a state master of some peasant villages in eastern Ukraine. This however puts him in competition with the region's most powerful noble family, the Ostrogskis, the Palatines of Kyiv.
Initially, the Ostrogskis were a rithennian-speaking eastern Orthodox family, but that did not end up mattering when they tried to confiscate Kuzinsky's lands, and in so doing triggered a massive Cossack uprising against not only themselves, but their Polish overlords as well. This revolt was put down by 1593 with the help of another band of registered Cossacks, led by the Hetman Severin Eleveko. Of course it took less than a year for Eleveko to go rogue himself, as the allied himself with the unregistered Cossacks, and launched his own rebellion against the Ostrogskis and the Polish Crown. This too was put down in 1596, but its left-day desolated eastern Ukraine in its wake.
Neither the Poles nor their rithennian magnates gained much from their victories either, for although active challenges against their rule were for now stymied, Cossack bands continued to operate out on the wild plains out of reach of their effective jurisdiction. Indeed at the dawn of the 17th century, the Cossack Brotherhoods were doing more or less whatever they felt like doing. Sometimes this meant aiding the Polish Crown, as they did in 1618, when 20,000 of the free riders, led by Hetman Petro Kondershevich Sahidetzny, joined the Polish army in a march on Moscow during the Russian Zardum's time of troubles, helping the Poles win land at Russia's expense.
Other times, this meant causing trouble. In 1616, they brutally sacked Kaffir, the main slave-trading city in the Crimean Kannet, and freed all its slaves. This eventually provoked a massive reprisal from Sultan Osman II, who led a 120,000-strong army into the Polish Commonwealth in 1621, only to be stopped by an alliance of Polish Crown forces at registered Cossacks at the dramatic month-long Battle of Cotton. Indeed the Cossacks proved excellent at solving problems that they themselves had caused, and as much as they enjoyed fighting with the Commonwealth Crown when it suited them, so too did they enjoy fighting against it.
In 1625, 1630, 1637, and 1638, where all years where Cossack rebellions flared up, due to the state policy of polarization and the suppression of the Rethenian Orthodox Church, but although each one was crushed, the Cossacks were always either too useful or too stubborn for the Polish state to eradicate entirely. This would prove to be Poland's ultimate failing, for in the following decade, a terminus uprising would erupt that would finally see the Cossack planes break free from their Commonwealth for good.
In the year 1648, a Cossack officer by the name of Bodand Malnitsky served as a minor land holder and loyal soldier of the Polish Crown. That is, until, evidently having learned nothing from the Kaczynski rebellion fifty years earlier, a Polish magnate tried to confiscate Malnitsky's lands. When the Cossack protested, his political opponents threw him into prison for his troubles. However, Bodand escaped, and now thoroughly disillusioned with the Polish state he served, he went directly to the largest settlement of the wild unregistered Cossacks, the Zeporosian siege, and began riling them up with firebrand talk of rebellion. Consequently, the free-booters of the siege quickly elected Malnitsky as their Ataman, and thus the insurrection had begun.
Malnitsky was no fool. He knew that to succeed where the previous six Cossack uprisings had failed, he would need to draw allies from unconventional places. To that end, he turned to the traditionally bitter rival of the Ukrainian free-booters the Crimean Khan. Seeing opportunity in this unlikely alliance, the Khan agreed to help and deployed 4,000 Turkey course archers from his vassals in the Nogai horde to join Malnitsky's cause. With strong Cossack infantry paired up with deadly Tatar light cavalry, Bodand advanced against the Poles, crushing them in two battles at the Jovthi Vodiriva and the town of Cossack.
Not only was the campaigning ability of the Polish Crown forces effectively crippled by these victories, it also caused 6,000 registered Cossacks, who had previously been serving Polish magnates to instead defect to Malnitsky's cause. Meanwhile, chaos erupted throughout every layer of Ukrainian society. Throughout the villages and towns, Rethenians speaking Orthodox Christian peasants rose up against their Polish overlords as riots, vendettas and lynchings against Catholics became the order of the day. But Catholics were not the only victims, for some 14,000 to 20,000 Jewish peoples, blamed by Cossacks and the general peasantry alike for being long-time conspirators with the Polish elite, were massacred in a brutal prolonged pogrom.
By autumn, Malnitsky's army had marauded its way as far west as King Danalo's historical capital of Lviv. In December, the Ataman entered Kyiv, the symbolic urban cradle of Rus. There, the Orthodox Metropolitan of Kyiv declared Malnitsky to be prince and declared his war to be a most holy crusade against Catholic oppression. After, Hetman Budan declared himself to be the sole master of the historical Kyiv and Rus lands, a true heir to Velodimir and Yaroslav. The Cossacks, originally a ragtag collection of fugitives and misfits, had become nation builders and the nation they built was the genesis of the modern Ukrainian state.
In the summer of 1649, a coalition of Malnitsky's Cossacks and Crimean Tatas won a final battle over the Polish army outside the town of Zaboriv. After that, the war was pretty much over, and a new, effectively independent nation, the Cossack Hetmanet, was born. It is with the creation of the Cossack Hetmanet, arguably the first independent and distinctively Ukrainian state to exist in the early modern era, that we will end this chapter of our series on pre-modern history.
However, to win freedom is one thing, but to keep it is another matter entirely. Ukraine was sandwiched between the vengeful Poles, the mighty hosts of Sultan Osman, and most importantly, the ever zealously expansionist Tsars of Moscow. The free Cossacks of the wild plains would face many challenges ahead in their bid to preserve their right to self-determination.
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