The rise of Xi Jinping, explained
发布时间 2023-11-28 13:00:01 来源
These are the seven most powerful men in China. They represent the top leadership positions of the ruling party and their identities are revealed every five years, at a carefully choreographed political event called the National Congress.
这些是中国最有权势的七位男性。他们代表执政党的最高领导职位，并且他们的身份每五年会在一个精心策划的政治盛会——全国代表大会上揭示出来。
China's Communist Party unveiled its new leadership over the next five years. The order of appearance is symbolic. The first person to emerge is the head of the party for the next five years. At the most recent event in October 2022, that person was Xi Jinping, China's president for the last 10 years, who walked out in the top spot a historic third time after getting rid of China's presidential term limit that restricted all his predecessors to two terms, a signal that he may be planning to stay in power for life. The world hasn't seen a Chinese leader like this since Mao Sotung, the revolutionary founder of the People's Republic of China, whose ruthless dictatorship scarred the Chinese people for generations.
中国共产党揭晓了未来五年的新领导层。出场的顺序具有象征意义。第一个出现的人将成为未来五年的党主席。在最近的2022年十月的活动中，这个人是习近平，他在过去的十年里担任中国的国家主席，他以史无前例的第三次位居首位，之前中国总统的任期被限制在两届，这是一个信号，表明他可能计划长期执政。自毛泽东以来，世界还没有见过像习近平这样的中国领导人，毛泽东是中国人民共和国的革命创始人，他的残酷独裁给中国人民留下了世代的伤痛。
Xi has been compared to Mao a lot, and he clearly draws from Mao's playbook, but there's something else that connects these two. When Xi was just a young boy, Mao ruined his life. Generations apart, they're passed crossed unexpectedly, and a teenage Xi from an elite family in Beijing ended up in exile, condemned to hard labor in the countryside. 50 years later, Xi is one of the most powerful political figures in the world and the only leader since Mao to have unchecked power over China. So how did he go from being banished in his country to taking complete control of it?
习近平常常被与毛泽东相比较，他明显借鉴了毛的手法，但除此之外，还有其他联系了两位领导人。年代相隔，他们的命运意外地交织在一起。青年时期的习近平来自北京的一个精英家庭，却因为毛泽东的倒台而生活遭受了破坏。五十年后，习近平成为了世界上最有权力的政治人物之一，也是自毛泽东以来唯一一位对中国拥有无限权力的领导人。那么，他是如何从被放逐国内到完全掌控国家的呢？
Xi Jinping's connection to Mao formed long before Xi was even born. It goes back to when a bloody civil war was raging in China. A group of radical communist revolutionaries, including Mao, gained influence over large swaths of mainland China, and controlled a communist military called the Red Army that fought the Nationalist Party ruling the Republic of China at the time.
习近平与毛泽东的联系早在习近平出生之前就已经建立起来。这可以追溯到一个流血的中国内战时期。包括毛泽东在内的一群激进的共产主义革命者在中国大陆获得了影响力，并控制了一个名为红军的共产主义军队，与当时统治中华民国的国民党作战。
At this point, the Communists were losing bad. The bulk of their army was pinned down here, in a communist controlled region originally established by Mao, now surrounded by nationalist forces, and they were running low on food. So the Red Army decided to launch a bold attack to break through the Nationalist forces and evacuate the roughly 130,000 communist soldiers and civilians stuck here. On October 16, 1934, they made their move and attacked a weaker part of the enemy line.
在这个时候，共产党人处于非常不利的局势。他们的大部分军队被困在这里，这个区域原本是毛泽东建立的共产党控制区，现在被国民党军队包围，而且他们的粮食储备也严重不足。因此，红军决定发起大胆进攻，突破国民党军队的防线，疏散大约13万名被困在这里的共产党士兵和平民。1934年10月16日，他们采取行动，进攻了敌人防线的薄弱部分。
They broke through, and even though their numbers quickly dropped, with thousands dying and thousands more fleeing to the countryside, around 86,000 stuck together and pushed on. This was the beginning of a year-long historic retreat called the Long March. The journey to establish a new communist base, far from the Nationalist forces.
他们突破了，尽管他们的人数迅速减少，成千上万人死亡，成千上万人逃往乡村，但约有86,000人仍然团结一致，继续前进。这是一个历时一年的历史性撤退的开始，被称为长征。这是为了建立一个远离国民党军队的新共产主义基地的旅程。
Mao, who used to be a military leader, wasn't in charge of this time. He'd insisted on using guerrilla tactics, which had heavily influenced the Red Army earlier in the war, but that approach had fallen out of favor and he was demoted. The Long March changed that.
毛泽东曾经是一位军事领导者，但这次他并不负责指挥。他曾坚持使用游击战术，在战争初期对红军产生了很大影响，但这种方法已经不再受欢迎，他因此被降职。而长征改变了这一切。
After escaping the siege here, the Red Army continued to suffer relentless attacks by the pursuing Nationalist Army. The military leaders of the march had pushed for a more traditional wartime strategy of direct confrontation rather than Mao's guerrilla tactics. And the result was catastrophic for the Red Army. Less than half of the original escape group survived the first three months alone.
在成功逃离这里之后，红军继续遭到追击的国民党军队的无情攻击。行军的军事领导者倾向于采用传统战时策略，即直接对抗，而非毛泽东的游击战术。而结果对红军来说是灾难性的。仅仅在最初三个月里，原始逃亡团队中只有不到一半的人幸存下来。
So it was at this first stopping point where communist party leaders Joe and Lai handed military leadership back to Mao. And Mao picked an end point for the march. Here, 800 miles away in rural northern China. But they didn't go straight for it. Mao led the Red Army deep into the mountains where he predicted lighter resistance. And he was right. But the journey was still brutal. It was nine more months of non-stop marching and fighting along this several thousand mile route before they ultimately arrived in northern China, where a guerrilla base led by a communist revolutionary named Xi Zhang Shen offered Mao's army refuge, bringing the Long March to an end. That man was Xi Jinping's father.
所以在第一个停留点，共产党领导人乔和赖将军事领导权交还给了毛主席。而毛主席选择了远在中国北方农村的一个终点。但他们并没有直接前往那里。毛主席带领红军深入山区，他预测那里的抵抗会较轻。他预测正确。但这次旅途仍然是残酷的。在这几千英里的路上，他们进行了九个月的不间断行军和战斗，最终抵达中国北方，那里一个由共产主义革命家习仲深领导的游击基地为毛的军队提供了避难所，结束了长征。那个人就是习近平的父亲。
In the end, fewer than 8,000 of the original marchers survived. Even though thousands died on the Long March from starvation, fighting, and disease, Mao's leadership was credited with saving the Red Army from total annihilation. And he became the de facto head of the party as well as the military, entrusted with rebuilding the army to take on the nationalist forces for total control of China.
最终，原来的行军队伍中只有少于8,000人生还。尽管在长征期间有数千人死于饥饿、战斗和疾病，毛泽东的领导才被认为成功拯救了红军免遭全灭。他成为了党和军队的事实上的领导人，被赋予重建军队、与国民党军队竞争以完全控制中国的使命。
Wherever and however the Red groups move into battle, they spread the glory of Mao Zedong.
无论红军如何行进战斗，无论他们的行动地点在哪里，他们都会传扬毛泽东的荣耀。
This is a good stopping point in the story to talk about how power in the Chinese Communist Party or CCP works. Officially, the highest level of authority is a group called the Central Committee and is responsible for all of the party's major policy decisions. Within the Central Committee is a select group of officials called the Political Bureau or Pollip Bureau. In most Communist parties, like that of the former Soviet Union, the Pollip Bureau represents the most powerful members of the party besides the General Secretary.
这是故事中一个合适的停顿点，我们可以谈谈中国共产党（CCP）内部权力运行的情况。从官方角度来看，最高权威层级是一个被称为中央委员会的团体，负责制定党的所有重大政策决策。在中央委员会内部，有一个受权的小群体，称为政治局或者中央政治局。在大多数共产党内部，比如前苏联，在中央政治局除总书记之外，还有其他实力最强的党内高官。
But the Chinese Communist Party has a key distinction that makes it unique. It has one more, even smaller selection of top officials who ultimately have the final day, an elite class of Pollip Bureau members called the Pollip Bureau Standing Committee. This group, which includes the General Secretary, holds supreme control over the Central Committee, dictates the will of the party, and is in full control of the Central Military Commission, which oversees China's defense.
然而，中国共产党有一个独特的关键特点。它有一个更小、更精英的高级官员选择机构，这些官员最终决策权，在名为"政治局常委会"的政治局委员会中形成一个精英阶层。这个组织包括总书记，对中央委员会拥有至高无上的控制权，决定着党的意愿，并完全掌控着中央军委，负责监督中国的国防事务。
Mao's promotion during the Long March landed him here in the highest position of the military and the Pollip Bureau Standing Committee. Even though he was considered the de facto head of the party when the Long March ended in 1935, he officially became head of the party in 1943. With both the party and the military under his control, Mao began to exploit the system to ensure he remained at the top for the rest of his life.
毛泽东在长征期间得到了晋升，使他在军队和政治局常委中位居最高职位。尽管在1935年长征结束时，他已被视为党的事实领导人，但正式成为党的领导人是在1943年。在党和军队都在他掌控之下的情况下，毛开始利用这个体制，确保自己余生都能保持在最高层位。
At Mao's first National Congress as the official party leader in 1945, the party introduced a resolution that brought his influence to a whole new level. It unified the party around a single understanding of its history and declared Mao's political ideology later called Mao's Teng Thot or Maoism as the unquestioned guiding principle of the Chinese Communist Party. Basically, Mao's ideas or policy decisions could no longer be challenged by anyone. It was here he unveiled his equivalent at the time of the Pollip Bureau Standing Committee, the four other top party leaders, all long marchers deeply loyal to Mao, like Lu Xiaochei and Jell-in-Lai, who would go on to hold some of the most powerful positions in the future government.
在1945年，毛泽东首次担任中国共产党正式党魁的全国代表大会上，该党通过了一项决议，将他的影响力提升到一个全新的水平。该决议统一了党内对党的历史的理解，并宣称毛泽东的政治思想，后来被称为毛泽东思想或毛主义，是中国共产党不容置疑的指导原则。基本上说，毛泽东的思想或政策决定将不再受到任何人的挑战。在这里，他揭示了当时相当于今天的中央政治局常委会的相当等级，这是由另外四位最高级的党内领导人组成，其中包括像卢小愁和周恩来这样的长征老战士，他们在未来政府中担任了一些最有权力的职务。
Four years later, Mao declared final victory for the Communists in the decades-long Chinese Civil War and established a new country, the People's Republic of China, or PRC. But winning a revolution isn't the same as running a country. Because now that you're running a country, there's all these other things you have to do, like deliver the mail and build a dam and stuff like that, you can't possibly have the party do all these things.
四年后，毛泽东宣布共产党在持续几十年的中国内战中取得最终胜利，并建立了一个新的国家，即中华人民共和国，简称PRC。但是，革命的胜利并不等同于管理一个国家。因为现在你正在管理一个国家，还有许多其他事情需要做，比如投递邮件、修建水坝等等，党是不可能做所有这些事情的。
So the party set up a government that would take the policy decisions made by the Pollip Bureau Standing Committee and figure out a way to make them a reality. And so it evolved to a system where the party would make all the important decisions, and especially the Pollip Bureau Standing Committee. Then, as it is today, many of these decisions would go to the state council.
因此，该党建立了一个政府机构，负责将中央委员会的政策决策转化为现实。因此，这个制度逐渐发展成为党派决策一切重要事务的体制，尤其是中央委员会。而且，就像现在一样，许多这样的决策将交由国务院处理。
So the state council is the highest decision-making body on the stateside, led by the Premier of China. The Premier of China, by the way, is almost always a member of the Pollip Bureau Standing Committee. One way Mao kept a tight grip on power over the years was by promoting those loyal to him to top positions in the party and government, whether they had government experience or not. For example, Zhou Enlai, the former party leader who helped Mao rise to power during the Long March, became China's first premier. The advantage of that is that they could never challenge it. The disadvantage of that is they didn't know what they were doing, and so administration suffered, policy outcomes suffered. Long March survivors often became party elites under Mao. Xi Jinping's father, for example, was appointed Secretary-General of the State Council. And as the son of a long marcher, Yang Xi was given the informal title of princeling.
所以国务院是中国国家最高决策机构，由中国总理领导。顺便提一下，中国总理几乎总是中共中央政治局常委的成员。毛泽东多年来稳握权力的一种方式就是提拔忠诚于他的人到党和政府的高级职位，无论他们是否有政府经验。例如，曾帮助毛泽东在长征中上台的前党领导人周恩来成为了中国的第一任总理。这样做的好处是他们永远无法挑战权威。这样做的坏处是他们不知道自己在做什么，所以管理和政策效果受到了影响。长征幸存者通常成为毛泽东时代的党内精英。例如，习近平的父亲被任命为国务院秘书长。作为长征军人的儿子，杨西被赋予了非正式的王爷称号。
Mao succeeded in never giving up his power during his lifetime. His unchecked policies resulted in massive famines and widespread persecution that cost between 40 and 80 million lives over a span of decades, and culminated in the disastrous cultural revolution, a violent final attempt from Mao to consolidate his power and force loyalty to the practice of Maoism. The idea was to make himself and his ideas eternal, the way he viewed communist figureheads like Lenin and Marx before him.
毛泽东成功地在他的一生中从未放弃过权力。他不受限制的政策导致了大规模的饥荒和广泛的迫害，使得在几十年的时间里死亡了四千到八千万人，并且最终达到了灾难性的文化大革命，这是毛泽东为巩固自己的权力和强迫忠诚于毛主义实践的最后暴力企图。他的意图是让自己和他的思想变得永恒，就像他之前看待列宁和马克思这样的共产主义领袖一样。
Anyone that didn't fall in line with Mao's ideology was publicly humiliated, impoverished, excluded from society, and in many cases, executed. Either at the hands of the army, or by a militant youth group obsessed with enforcing Maoism, the Red Guards.
任何不遵循毛泽东的意识形态的人都会受到公开羞辱、贫困、被排斥于社会之外，许多情况下甚至被处决。这些处决无论是军队的手下，还是一个痴迷于推行毛主义的激进青年组织——红卫兵的行动都会导致。
Even those closest to the dictator weren't safe from his purges during the Cultural Revolution. High-level officials, including members of the Polypey Restaining Committee and Long Marchers, were removed from their positions. Lu Xiaoche was denounced as a traitor, and died while imprisoned under harsh conditions. Mao also removed the chief of staff of the army and replaced him with a Maoist, leaving no one left to oppose him in the military.
即使是那些与独裁者关系最密切的人在文化大革命中也无法幸免于清洗。包括清理委员会和长征队员在内的高级官员被革职。陆小车被指控为叛徒，在恶劣的环境下被监禁期间去世。毛泽东还撤换了军队的参谋长，并用一个毛派人士取而代之，使军队内部没有任何人可以反对他。
Mao's hand-picked successor, who always appeared loyally by his side in photos and propaganda posters, died under mysterious circumstances when his plane crashed as he was fleeing to the Soviet Union. Mao later denounced him as a traitor. He denounced Xi's father too. This is a photo of Xi's senior being restrained and publicly criticized by the Red Guards at the height of the Cultural Revolution. He would remain a prisoner in Beijing for eight years following this.
毛泽东亲自挑选的继任者，总是在照片和宣传海报中忠诚地出现在他身边，但在他试图逃往苏联时，他的飞机意外坠毁，以神秘方式去世。毛后来谴责他为叛徒。他也曾谴责习近平的父亲。这是习近平的长辈在文化大革命最高潮时被红卫兵制止并公开批判的照片。在此之后，他在北京被关押了八年。
With his father purged, Xi Jinping, 15 at the time, was expelled from his elite school in Beijing and sent to work in the countryside. He had to live in a cave and do hard manual labor. His food was barely enough for a growing young person. Chairman Mao was responsible for all of it.
在他父亲受到清洗之后，15岁的习近平被逐出了他在北京的精英学校，并被派往农村工作。他不得不住在一个洞穴里，并从事艰苦的体力劳动。他的食物几乎不够一个正在成长的年轻人的需要。毛主席对此负有全部责任。
But then, Mao died. The Cultural Revolution ended. His successor was Deng Xiaoping. One of the Polybir-standing committee members, who was removed from power during the Cultural Revolution, who, just before Mao died, started making a promise to fellow exiled party veterans. Deng Xiaoping signaled credibly to all the surviving long marchers that he wanted to rehabilitate people. So when Mao died, they all supported the rehabilitation of Deng. And as soon as Deng was rehabilitated, he went ahead and rehabilitated all these people.
然而，随后毛泽东去世，文化大革命也结束了。他的继任者是邓小平。邓小平是五常委中一位在文化大革命期间被撤职的成员，就在毛泽东去世前不久，他开始向流亡的老党员承诺。邓小平向所有幸存的长征老战士传达了他想要康复人们的诚意。所以毛泽东去世后，他们都支持邓小平的康复计划。而一旦邓小平被康复，他立即开始康复所有这些人。
With experience leadership back in place, the party needed to figure out how to prevent something like this from ever happening again. In order to undo Mao's cult of personality, the party introduced a second historical resolution in 1981. It condemned periods of Mao's rule and emphasized a renewed commitment to collective leadership, allowing to oppose the consolidation of power around one person moving forward.
随着有经验的领导层重新到位，党需要找出如何防止像这样的事情再次发生的方法。为了消除毛泽东个人崇拜的影响，党在1981年提出了第二个历史决议。它对毛泽东执政时期进行了谴责，并强调了对集体领导的重新承诺，以便向前推进时能够反对权力的集中于个人的现象。
The successors to Mao didn't want a dictatorship, so they divided up these positions and put them in the hands of different people. Like Mao, Deng kept tight control over the Central Military Commission as its chairman, and held a leadership position in the government, but was never head of state. He never held the highest position in the party, either. Instead, he set up a new advisory commission and served as its chairman, which allowed him to influence the party's direction, without positioning himself directly on top of it. This allowed a power-sharing structure while still making Deng the de facto leader of China until he stepped down in 1989, following the army's massacre of students protesting in Tiananmen Square.
毛泽东的继任者们不希望建立独裁统治，因此他们将这些职位分散给不同的人。邓小平像毛泽东一样，紧密控制中央军委并担任主席，同时在政府中担任领导职务，但从未担任过国家元首。他也从未担任过党内最高职位。相反，他设立了一个新的咨询委员会并担任主席，这使他能够影响党的方向，而不需要直接位居其之上。这种权力分享的结构使邓小平成为中国的实际领导人，直到1989年在天安门广场发生学生抗议遭军队镇压后他下台。
A protesters suddenly ran into the middle of the street and in front of the oncoming tanks. Anger at Deng Xiaoping the entire Chinese government had the real feeling of rebellion in the streets of Beijing. People want to fight the military out of their city. Deng in his ideology, which moved away from Maoism, set a precedent of sharing power. He opened up China and established economic ties with these countries, and was the first PRC leader to visit the U.S. in 1979. Today we take another step in the historic normalization of relations which we have begun this year.
一位抗议者突然冲入街道中央，在正在行驶中的坦克前面站定。愤怒的情绪充斥着整个北京街头，对邓小平和整个中国政府的不满变成了真正的反叛意识。人们希望把军队赶出他们的城市。邓小平的思想观念脱离了毛主义，树立了权力共享的先例。他开放了中国，与各国建立了经济联系，并成为1979年访问美国的中国共和国领导人。今天，我们进一步迈向历史性的关系正常化，这一进程我们今年已经开始了。
Deng's reforms became the foundation for decades of economic prosperity that led China to having the world's second-largest economy over time and being on the verge of becoming the world's next superpower. Communism is creating a consumer society. It also reminds you that the standard of living in China is going up here, capitalism rules.
邓的改革成为了几十年经济繁荣的基石，使中国逐渐成为全球第二大经济体，并且正处于成为下一个超级大国的边缘。共产主义正在创造一个消费者社会。它也提醒我们中国的生活水平正在不断提高，资本主义占主导地位。
One thing power-sharing did lead to was a lot of policy innovation and then some degree of decentralization and both of these things helped China's economy enormously. Which is why this period of economic growth and reform stretching over roughly 30 years is known as the Deng era. And whether he wanted to or not, Deng kept his word and never tried to consolidate absolute power around himself. He did an up-sharing power and that set the stage for power-sharing in the party until the rise of Xi Jinping.
权力分享确实带来了许多政策创新，并在一定程度上实现了地方分权，这两者都极大地促进了中国经济的发展。这也是为什么这大约持续了30年的经济增长和改革时期被称为“邓时代”的原因所在。而且，无论他是否愿意，邓始终履行了承诺，从未试图将绝对权力集中在自己身上。他进行了一种权力上的分享，为党内的权力分享奠定了舞台，直到习近平崛起。
So what was she doing all this time? When now died in 1976, she was back in Beijing studying communist philosophy.
那她这段时间在做什么呢？当恩惠于1976年去世时，她正回到北京学习共产主义哲学。
Even though the Chinese Communist Party had ruined Xi's family, he had joined it, just as the Cultural Revolution was winding down. But why? Personally, he might begrudge Chairman Mao for doing all this terrible things to his family, but I think at this time he also recognized that in the system of the Chinese Communist Party, power is everything. Without power, you're nothing.
尽管中国共产党曾经摧毁了习近平的家庭，但他仍然选择加入该党，就在文化大革命即将结束的时候。但是为什么呢？从个人的角度来看，习近平可能对毛主席对他的家庭所做的可怕事情感到不满，但我认为在那个时候，他也意识到在中国共产党的体制内，权力是一切。没有权力，你什么都不是。
But in order to get that power, Xi did something unexpected. He left Beijing. As his competitors were fiercely competing with each other in the 1980s and 1990s, he sort of got out of their way and went to the provinces. He took positions in party leadership in rural, poor provinces all around China, where there were no other princelings to compete with.
然而，为了获得这种权力，习却做了一件意料之外的事情。他离开了北京。在竞争激烈的80年代和90年代，当他的竞争对手们争相斗争时，他选择了躲开他们的道路，去到了各个地方的农村贫困省份担任党的领导职务。那些地方没有其他的“红二代”可供竞争。
First in Hube, a poor rural province outside of Beijing, where he easily reached the top spot as party secretary. Then in Fujian, a heavily militarized region where top members of the army were stationed. He moved out the ranks to party secretary here too, before becoming the governor of the province a few years later.
首先在河北，这是一个贫穷的农村省份，位于北京外围，他轻而易举地成为了党委书记的最高职位。然后是在福建，这里是一个重兵区，驻扎着军队的高级成员。他也在这里从党委书记的职位晋升而出，几年后成为了该省的省长。
After making powerful friends in the military, Xi went here, where he once again assumed the office of party secretary and grew his support on the civilian side. This strategy of moving around didn't just give Xi a leg up in areas where competition was slim, it also gave him credibility as a humble, hardworking party leader, and he cultivated a growing group of supporters who would come back into play years down the line.
在与军队中结交了强大的朋友之后，习近平来到了这里，再次担任了党的书记职务，并在民事领域扩大了他的支持。这种不断转移的策略不仅使习近平在竞争激烈的地区占据了优势，还赢得了作为一个谦虚、勤奋的党领导人的信誉，并培养了一群日后将发挥作用的支持者。
It was his last stop and his shortest one that ultimately got him back to Beijing. A brief stint in the top party spot in Shanghai in 2007, where he rehabilitated the city's image following a high level corruption scandal. Xi developed a reputation here as a prudent leader who towed the party line. Just seven months later, he finally returned to Beijing, having been promoted to the all powerful Palapiro Standing Committee.
这是他的最后一站，也是最短的一站，最终让他回到了北京。在2007年，他在上海的顶级派对场所短暂停留，为这座城市在一个高层腐败丑闻之后恢复了形象。习在这里建立了一个谨慎领导者、忠于党的声誉。仅仅七个月后，他终于回到了北京，被提升为权力最大的中共中央政治局常委。
Basically, the people who were deciding on top leadership at the time, they wanted a prince lane, but they didn't want a prince lane who was too ambitious or too strong. So Xi Jinping, he was seen as less ambitious because he was willing to go to the countryside and work in lower-level positions. When Xi emerged at the 2007 National Congress and leadership unveiling, he was one of the nine most powerful men in the country. It was at this moment that his strategic climb over 17 long years in the countryside paid off big time.
基本上，在当时决定最高领导层的人们中，他们希望有一个王子般的人，但又不希望他过于野心勃勃或过于强势。所以习近平因为他愿意到农村去从事较低级职位，被认为野心较小。当习近平在2007年国家大会和领导班子揭晓时出现的时候，他是国家中九个最有权势的人之一。正是在这一刻，他在乡下17年的战略攀升带来了巨大的回报。
When the General Secretary stepped down in 2012, she emerged at the top spot in the party as China's leader. Now, the elite son of a former revolutionary turned ex-op peasant, turned party darling, was poised to seize control of everything.
2012年总书记下台时，她成为中国党内的领导人。而现在，这位前革命家的个中精英、曾经深受农村人口政策困扰的儿子却准备好掌控一切。
Like Mao, Xi Jinping believes that rallying around a single figure is crucial to the party's survival. Rather than the collective leadership, Deng's reforms had normalized.
像毛泽东一样，习近平相信团结在一个领导人周围对于党的生存至关重要。而不是邓小平的改革所实行的集体领导。
So pretty much as soon as Xi Jinping came to power, he started getting rid of people. The news for top officials removed for taking bribes was announced on state TV. The former security czar has not been seen in public for more than a year. The investigation against Xu allows the Chinese president to remove those opposed to his reforms.
基本上，习近平上台后，他立即开始清除人员。被指控受贿的高级官员的消息在国家电视台上宣布。前国家安全局长已经超过一年没有公开露面。对徐进行的调查使中国总统有机会清除那些反对他的改革的人。
A major anti-corruption campaign, as soon as he took power in late 2012, early 13, which led to the arrests of hundreds of senior level officials, as well as military officers. These purges targeted Xi's rivals in the party, whose vacant positions he filled with his own supporters.
在2012年末、2013年初，习近平上台后展开了一场重要的反腐败运动，导致数百名高级官员和军官被逮捕。这些清洗行动针对的是习近平在党内的竞争对手，他用自己的支持者填补了这些空缺职位。
After this massive purge, Xi Jinping was in very tight control over both the party and also the Chinese military, thereby making him the most powerful leader of the Chinese Communist Party since the death of Mao. That pattern continued in the second term, where he unveiled five new faces of the Palapira Standing Committee, three of them with close personal ties to Xi.
在这场大规模清洗之后，习近平对党和中国军队的控制非常牢固，从而使他成为自毛泽东去世以来中国共产党最有权力的领导人。这一模式在第二个任期中延续，他在中央政治局常委会上提出了五个新面孔，其中三人与习近平有着密切的个人关系。
In 2021, Xi pulled off one of his most dramatic acts yet, to enforce his influence over the Chinese Communist Party. He introduced a third historic resolution that unified the party's ideology around one clear line of thinking. Xi Jinping thought Xi's personal political ideology would now be the core in the party's thinking, political stance, and action. Basically, Xi Jinping's ideas could no longer be challenged, and they weren't for many years.
在2021年，习近平成功地完成了他迄今为止最具戏剧性的举措之一，以加强他对中国共产党的影响力。他提出了第三个历史性决议，将党的思想统一在一个明确的思路上。习近平思想现在成为党的思维、政治立场和行动的核心。基本上，习近平的观点不再能够被质疑，而且在很多年里都没有被质疑过。
During Xi's first 10 years in power, the size of China's economy more than doubled. Xi's so did average individual income, so did military spending. Under his leadership, China's presence on the world's stage has grown too, positioning the rising superpower to take on the role of an aggressor externally, reasserting claims over parts of the South China Sea, intimidating Taiwan to bet, and stripping democratic process in Hong Kong.
在习近平上台的头10年里，中国经济规模增长了一倍以上。习近平的领导下，人均收入也增加了，军费支出也同样如此。在他的领导下，中国在世界舞台上的存在感也增强了，使这个崛起的超级大国有能力在外部成为侵略者，重新对南中国海部分地区提出主权要求，对台湾进行恐吓，并剥夺了香港的民主进程。
Inside its own borders, strict internet censorship and surveillance are widespread, and oppression of Uyghurs, a mostly minority Muslim ethnic group, is marked by human rights abuses. But it wasn't until Covid that Xi saw the first real challenge to his authority. Anger in China is growing.
在自己的国境内，严格的互联网审查和监控十分普遍，对维吾尔族（主要是穆斯林少数民族群体）的镇压标志着人权的滥用。但在新冠疫情之前，习近平并未真正面临挑战他权威的情况。中国国内的愤怒越来越加剧。
Video showing protesters in Xinjiang fed up with China's zero Covid rules. The boldest public challenge yet for leaders Xi Jinping. With these protests all around the country and the party's reputation in peril, Xi reversed the failed policy, but is now faced with a shaky economy and cracks in his unchecked authority.
视频显示，新疆的抗议者对中国的零新冠病毒规定感到厌倦。这是对领导人习近平的最大公开挑战。随着全国范围内的抗议活动以及党的声誉受损，习近平扭转了失败的政策，但现在面临着摇摇欲坠的经济和他未经检验的权威的裂缝。
It was just weeks before the widespread protests at the 20th National Congress in 2022, that Xi walked out in the leading position a third time. He had already locked in the presidency for another five years, and unveiled a Palobira Standing Committee completely packed with those loyal to him, after removing the final senior members of the party that had ties to his predecessor. Now, there is no one left in party or military leadership whose ideology differs from Xi. I don't think anyone can push him out at this point. I think he will be the most powerful leader in China as long as he's alive and conscious.
在2022年第20届全国代表大会的广泛抗议活动爆发几个星期之前，习近平第三次走上领导地位。他已经锁定了再度担任总统五年的位置，并呈现出一个完全由忠于他的人组成的“帕洛比拉常委会”，在排除了与其前任有关联的党内资深成员之后。现在，党内和军队领导层已经没有人与习近平的思想不同。我认为此时无人可以将他推翻。只要他活着有意识，我认为他将成为中国最有权势的领导人。
Thanks so much for watching this episode of Atlas. So many teammates worked on this piece. A small army of editors, animators, and researchers helped bring this complicated story into focus. I'd especially like to shout out Raja, one of the key researchers on this piece, who conducted an incredible interview with our expert Viktor Xi. It takes a lot of resources to make these videos, but we publish our work free to watch here because we think journalism should be accessible to everyone. If you believe in keeping journalism free and want to support our continuing work, go to Vox.com slash give now to make a contribution. Thanks again.
非常感谢您观看这一集的Atlas。许多团队成员参与了这个项目。一支由编辑、动画师和研究人员组成的小团队帮助将这个复杂的故事清晰地呈现出来。我尤其想向拉贾表示感谢，他是这个项目的重要研究人员之一，与我们的专家维克多·希进行了一次令人难以置信的采访。制作这些视频需要大量资源，但我们免费发布我们的作品在这里观看，因为我们认为新闻应该对每个人都是可接触的。如果您支持保持新闻的自由并且想要支持我们持续的工作，请访问Vox.com slash give现在进行捐赠。再次感谢。