Shattered Dreams of Peace | Israeli-Palestinian Relations After Oslo (full documentary) | FRONTLINE
发布时间 2023-11-12 13:41:59 来源
During the last week, the Mideast Crisis boiled over again. More suicide bombings. Israeli reoccupation of Palestinian towns. Then the American president set forth his vision for peace. My vision is two states living side by side in peace and security. But Palestinians and Israelis have tried before. We are talking here about the toughest and more sensitive issues that humankind has ever dealt with. And the issues ever be resolved. Will the violence ever stop? At the end of the day, I know Palestinians and Israelis can make peace.
在过去的一周里，中东危机再次爆发。更多的自杀式爆炸袭击。以色列重新占领巴勒斯坦城镇。然后美国总统提出了他对和平的愿景。我所设想的是两个国家和平共处并保障安全。但巴勒斯坦人和以色列人以前已经尝试过。我们在这里谈论的是人类有史以来面对的最困难和最敏感的问题。这些问题能否得到解决？暴力是否会停止？归根结底，我知道巴勒斯坦人和以色列人可以和平共处。
My heart aches. Because I know we were so close. Tonight, Frontline examines why the dreams of peace have remained so elusive. Spring 2002. The cycle of violence between Israelis and Palestinians is spiraling out of control. Hundreds are killed on both sides. For several weeks, it is war. But only nine years earlier, everything looked different. In 1993, the Oslo Peace Accords were signed on the White House lawn.
我的心在疼痛。因为我知道我们曾经如此亲近。今晚，《前线》将探究为什么和平之梦一直如此难以实现。2002年的春天，以色列人和巴勒斯坦人之间的暴力冲突正在失控。双方都有数百人丧生。数周来，这是一场战争。但仅仅九年前，一切看起来都不同。1993年，在白宫草坪上签署了奥斯陆和平协议。
Ladies and gentlemen, the time for peace has come. Palestinians and Israelis agree it is time to put an end to decades of confrontation and conflict and strive to live in peaceful coexistence and mutual dignity and security and achieve a lasting peace. Soon Israel begins its withdrawal, as promised. Jericho and Gaza are transferred to the Palestinians. Yasser Arafat, Israel's implacable enemy for 30 years, returns from exile to establish the Palestinian Authority.
女士们先生们，和平的时刻已经到来。巴勒斯坦人和以色列人都同意，是时候结束几十年的对抗和冲突，努力过上和平共处、相互尊严和安全的生活，并实现持久和平。很快，以色列将开始按照承诺撤军。杰里科和加沙地带将移交给巴勒斯坦人。30年来以色列的顽固敌人亚萨尔·阿拉法特从流亡中返回，建立巴勒斯坦权力机构。
The parties had agreed that the core issues, permanent borders, settlements, Palestinian refugees and Jerusalem would be addressed later. In an atmosphere infused with hope, Prime Minister Rabine, his Foreign Minister, Shimon Perez and Chairman Arafat are awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. But not everyone embraces the peace process. Some Palestinians want to destroy Israel, not live side by side with it. And some Israelis mistrust Arafat and believe that all of ancient Judea and Samaria, the West Bank, should be theirs. To them, Rabine's policy of exchanging land for peace is anathema.
各方已经达成共识，核心问题，包括永久边界、定居点、巴勒斯坦难民和耶路撒冷将在以后解决。在充满希望的氛围中，拉宾总理、外交部长西蒙·佩雷斯和阿拉法特主席被授予诺贝尔和平奖。但是，并非所有人都接受和平进程。一些巴勒斯坦人想要摧毁以色列，而不是与其共存。还有一些以色列人不信任阿拉法特，并认为整个古代犹太和撒马利亚地区——即约旦河西岸应该属于他们。对于他们来说，拉宾以土地换和平的政策是极不可接受的。
Then on November 4, 1995, following a peace rally in Tel Aviv, Prime Minister Rabine is assassinated by a Jewish extremist. Two days after the assassination, heads of state arrive from around the globe to mourn Nitzhak Rabine. They come to pay tribute to the man who as a general had once conquered Jerusalem and the West Bank and later as a statesman had chosen the path of peace. For most Arab leaders, this is the first time they have ever set foot in Israel.
然后在1995年11月4日，特拉维夫举行了一场和平集会，之后以色列总理拉宾遭到一个犹太极端分子暗杀。在遭刺杀的两天后，来自世界各地的国家元首纷纷到达以色列，悼念尼兹哈克·拉宾。他们来向这位曾经作为将军征服过耶路撒冷和约旦河西岸，后来又作为政治家选择和平道路的人致敬。对于大多数阿拉伯领导人来说，这是他们第一次来到以色列。
We live as a soldier, we die as a soldier for peace. And I believe it is time for all of us to come out openly and to speak our peace. Today my fellow citizens of the world, I ask all of you to take a good, hard look at this picture. Take the leaders from all over the Middle East and around the world who have journeyed here today for his Zokra being and for peace. Let me say to the people of Israel, even in your hour of darkness, his spirit lives on. Your Prime Minister was a martyr for peace, but he was a victim of hate. Gasser Arafat, Rabine's partner in peace, does not attend the funeral for security reasons and watches from his home in Gaza. It was very, very difficult and painful for me personally. And the most important thing for the Palestinians and for the Israels and for the whole Middle East area is to turn back to protect the peace of the brave, which I had signed with my partner Rabine and to live together as we had decided.
我们以士兵的身份生活，为了和平而作为士兵而去世。我相信现在是我们所有人公开出来、表明我们的和平立场的时候了。今天，各位世界公民，我请你们都仔细地审视这张图片。让我们看到中东和世界各地的领导人今天齐聚此地，他们为了祝贺并促进和平而来。我想对以色列人民说，即使在你们最黑暗的时刻，他的精神依然存在。你们的总理是和平的烈士，但也是仇恨的受害者。加萨尔·阿拉法特，拉宾的和平伙伴，出于安全原因未能参加葬礼，而是从加沙的家中观看。对我个人来说，这非常非常困难和痛苦。对巴勒斯坦人民、以色列人民和整个中东地区而言，最重要的是回归保护我们与拉宾签署的勇敢和平协议，遵循我们曾经决定好的共同生活。
Shimon Peres, Rabine's deputy and foreign minister and the chief architect of Oslo now takes up the reigns of government. As a young man, he had been charged with preparing Israel for war and had fathered Israel's nuclear program. Now at 72, he faces the challenge of keeping the peace. I spent a lot of time with Shimon Peres in these days. He was under state of grief, deep personal grief, of deep personal loss. I remember driving with him that night of the assassination to Jerusalem. He didn't speak all the way except for saying, no, I am alone.
西蒙·佩雷斯是拉宾的副手、外交部长以及奥斯陆协议的首席设计者，如今接管了政府的领导。年轻时，他曾负责为以色列准备战争，并推动了以色列的核计划。如今他已经72岁，面临着维持和平的挑战。在这些日子里，我与西蒙·佩雷斯共度了很多时间。他处于悲痛的状态，个人的悲痛，深深的个人损失。我记得在暗杀那晚与他同车去耶路撒冷时，他一路上都没有说话，只说了一句：不，我是孤单的。
A month after Rabine was killed, Peres and Arafat meet to reaffirm their commitment to the Oslo Accords. Israel would release a thousand Palestinian prisoners and withdraw from five major Palestinian cities. Reconciliation seems closer than ever. But within the Israeli opposition, these concessions are seen as a dangerous strategic mistake. I listened to politicians talking about strategy and strategy and strategy. The real choice, the profound choice, is never a strategic one. It's an adequate one. There is something above strategy and this is the moral choice. It is there where peace and war begins. It is there where the life of people are being decided.
拉宾被杀一个月后，佩雷斯和阿拉法特会面，重申对奥斯陆协议的承诺。以色列将释放一千名巴勒斯坦囚犯，并从五个主要的巴勒斯坦城市撤军。和解似乎比以往任何时候都更接近了。但在以色列反对派中，这些让步被视为一个危险的战略错误。我听着政界人士谈论策略、策略和策略。真正的选择，深远的选择，从来不是战略性的选择，而是适当的选择。有一种东西超越了战略，那就是道义的选择。正是在那里，和平与战争开始。正是在那里，人们的生活被决定。
I remember Shimon Peres, a friend of mine, Shimon Peres. When I negotiate with him and I get frustrated and angry, he used to tell me, say, negotiating frustration for five years is cheaper than exchanging bullets between us for five minutes. He's right. The Palestinian people rejoice. The negotiations had led to Israel's withdrawal from the major population centers of the West Bank, handing control to Arafat's authority. When we entered the first Iron Bar, I said, now we are in the true and real process, having our own independent state. The feeling of the people, the way that the people received the Brazilian authority, was a proof to the new era, a new situation, a new history that we were building with the Israelis. The transfer of power is peaceful. The Palestinians carefully put away the Israeli flag and begin flying their own. We have the most important thing that happened in the last five years. The withdrawal from Janin, Tulkarim, Nablus, Calchilia, Ramallah, Bethlehem. The withdrawal from the Church of Nativity, the place of Jesus's birth, that made me so proud. And that made me hopeful.
我记得我的朋友西蒙·佩雷斯，当我和他谈判时，我感到沮丧和愤怒，他常常告诉我，说，为了五年的谈判沮丧，要比我们之间交换五分钟子弹要划算。他是对的。巴勒斯坦人民欣喜若狂。谈判导致了以色列从约旦河西岸的主要人口中心撤出，将控制权交给阿拉法特的权威。当我们进入第一个铁杆时，我说，现在我们正处于真正的进程中，拥有自己独立的国家。人们的感受，人们对巴勒斯坦权威的接受方式，证明了我们正在与以色列人共同建设的新时代、新局势和新历史。权力的交接是和平的。巴勒斯坦人仔细地将以色列国旗收起来，开始升起他们自己的国旗。过去五年发生的最重要的事情，就是我们从詹宁、图尔卡拉姆、拿布勒斯、卡尔基利亚、拉马拉、伯利恒撤出。从耶稣诞生地的圣诞教堂撤出，这让我感到非常自豪。这让我有希望。
But other voices oppose any compromise with Israel. An Islamic fundamentalist organization called Hamas gained power among Palestinians by controlling the mosques and providing food and education to the poor. Hamas were in a difficult situation. They've never believed in any kind of understanding or agreement with Israelis. It's all the time they were trying to spoil everything. The military wing of Hamas, Isadin El-Kassam, is already responsible for scores of Israeli deaths. It is dedicated to the destruction of Israel through a campaign of terror, especially suicide bombings. Yahia Ayash is its chief bomb maker and number one on Israel's most wanted list. I went to offer it. I told him, Ayash is in Gaza. Please put your hand on him. Put him in prison. It told me Mr. Perez, he called me your excellency all the time. I'm telling you that he's not in Gaza. I told him, look, he's in Gaza and he's planning more attacks. I'll have to repeat that I'm telling you, I'm sure that he's not in Gaza. But he is. And Israel takes matters into its own hands. On January 5th, 1996, Ayash receives a call on his mobile phone. It is his last. The phone, packed with explosives, kills him instantly. Yes, move off, get out of the heat. Get out of the heat. Get out of the heat. Ayash has declared a Shaheed, a holy mortar and a thousand others vow to follow in his footsteps.
但也有其他声音反对与以色列妥协。一个名为哈马斯的伊斯兰原教旨主义组织通过控制清真寺并为穷人提供食物和教育来在巴勒斯坦人中获得权力。哈马斯处于困境之中。他们从未相信过与以色列人的任何形式的理解或协议。他们一直在试图破坏一切。哈马斯的军事翼组织艾萨丁·埃尔·卡桑负责了许多以色列人的死亡。该组织致力于通过恐怖行动，特别是自杀式爆炸，摧毁以色列。Yahia Ayash是他们的首席制造炸弹的人，也是以色列通缉名单上的头号人物。我去递信给他。我告诉他，Ayash在加沙。请抓住他。把他关进监狱。他告诉我，佩雷斯先生，他一直称呼我阁下。我告诉你他不在加沙。我告诉他，你看，他在加沙，他正在策划更多袭击。我不得不再次重申，我告诉你，我确信他不在加沙。但他在那里。以色列开始采取行动。1996年1月5日，Ayash接到了他的手机的电话。这是他的最后一通电话。装满炸药的手机立即炸死了他。是的，离开，不要在炎热中呆着。离开炎热。离开炎热。Ayash被宣布为“圣战者”，还有成千上万的人誓言跟随他的脚步。
Amid this unrest, the Palestinian Authority holds its first elections, as required by the Oslo Accords. An Arafat victory would endorse the peace process. Hamas calls for a boycott of the elections in protest. Arafat wins an overwhelming victory. His mandate to pursue peace is stronger than ever. But for Hamas, peace with Israel is sacrilege. At a memorial for Yahya Ayash, ten new living Shaheed's suicide bombers are presented. Two weeks later, they strike. Israel is shattered by three suicide attacks, leaving 46 dead and hundreds wounded. Fear, sorrow and anger permeate Israeli society. Many Israelis believe that if Arafat cannot control terrorists, they should not be negotiating with him. The peace process and its principal advocate, Shimon Peres, come under increasing attack. I arrived and I saw Shimon Peres, whom I hadn't seen for ten days, about ten years older. It wasn't an easy experience. They called me Trito, they called me Kila or Malda. Loneliness is when you face hatred and when you face agitation and, you know, in your heart that this is unfair. But those are your people. The next day, another suicide bomber. This time in a Tel Aviv mall, killing 13 and wounding 157 more. All of the dead are under 17 years old. Everything was crumbling. People killed in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. It was also an attempt to further stab the peace process.
在这种不安中，巴勒斯坦权力机构根据奥斯陆协议举行了首次选举。阿拉法特的胜利将认可和平进程。哈马斯呼吁抗议时抵制选举。阿拉法特以压倒性的优势获胜。他追求和平的授权比以往任何时候都更强大。但对于哈马斯来说，与以色列和平是亵渎的。在亚哈雅·亚亚什的纪念活动上，展示了十名新的活着的圣战自杀炸弹袭击者。两周后，他们发动袭击。以色列被三起自杀袭击摧毁，造成46人死亡，数百人受伤。恐惧、悲伤和愤怒弥漫了以色列社会。许多以色列人认为，如果阿拉法特无法控制恐怖分子，他们就不应该与他进行谈判。和平进程及其主要支持者西蒙·佩雷斯受到越来越多的攻击。我到达那儿，见到了西蒙·佩雷斯，我已经十天没有见到他了，他看上去老了十岁。这不是一次容易的经历。他们叫我Trito，叫我Kila或Malda。孤独就是当你面对仇恨和骚动时，在你心里知道这是不公平的。但这些是你的人民。第二天，又有一名自杀炸弹袭击者。这次是在特拉维夫的一家商场，造成13人死亡，157人受伤。所有死者都不到17岁。一切正在崩溃。人们在特拉维夫和耶路撒冷被杀害。这也是对和平进程的进一步刺击。
Arafat orders his security forces to move against the Islamic militants. They arrested Hamas leaders. Some 2,000 were arrested. 2,000 people were sitting in jail. Hamas saw it as the most intense blow to their organization. This showed how well the security coordination between us and the Palestinians could work.
阿拉法特下令他的安全部队行动起来打击伊斯兰激进分子。他们逮捕了哈马斯的领导人。大约有2,000人被逮捕并关押在监狱中。哈马斯认为这是对他们组织的最严重打击。这显示出我们与巴勒斯坦之间的安全协作可以发挥良好效果。
They killed, I think, 20 of the dead also the different groups that discovered their gifts. But it was too late. Israeli opposition to the peace process coalesces around Benjamin Netanyahu, a brilliant orator who speaks to Israel's fears. As the new leader of the conservative Likud party, Netanyahu is poised to challenge Paris and his labor party in the upcoming election.
我认为，他们杀了20名发现自己天赋的不同团体中的人。但为时已晚。以色列反对和平进程集结在本雅明·内塔尼亚胡周围，他是一个出色的演说家，能够满足以色列的恐惧。作为保守派利库德党的新领袖，内塔尼亚胡有望在即将到来的选举中挑战巴里斯和他的工党。
Fearing the defeat of Shimon Peres and the demise of the peace process, Egypt and the United States in an unprecedented move, convene world leaders in the Sinai resort town of Shimon Sheikh. The President of Iraq contacted President Clinton and then he contacted Arab leaders and he thought that it was important to us right for saving the peace process to get all these people together. For the first time ever, it was a creation of an anti-terror coalition with empathy towards Israel, having lost people against Arabs fighting.
出于对西蒙·佩雷斯的失败和和平进程的崩溃的担忧，埃及和美国采取了前所未有的举措，在西奈度假胜地沙伊赫召集了世界各国领导人。伊拉克总统联系了克林顿总统，然后他又与阿拉伯领导人联系，他认为这对于拯救和平进程对我们来说非常重要，希望能够将所有这些人聚集在一起。这是有史以来第一次创建一个对以色列怀有同情的反恐联盟，以对抗阿拉伯人的斗争而失去了人们的生命。
They call it the summit of peacemakers and hope it will influence the Israeli electorate to support Peres. Everybody gathered in the sheriff. They want the Paris to win the election. And it is this image. They hope we'll do it. What do you tell Hamas tonight? They are not only doing these terrorist activities against the Israelis. It is against the Palestinians, against the peace process, against the Arabs, against the whole region. And it is against God.
他们称之为和平建设者的高峰会，希望能够影响以色列选民支持佩雷斯。大家都聚集在一起。他们希望佩雷斯能赢得选举。这种形象是为了让他获胜。你今晚要对哈马斯说什么？他们不仅对以色列人进行恐怖活动，也对巴勒斯坦人、和平进程、阿拉伯人和整个地区造成了伤害。这是对上帝的亵渎。
Sharmel Sheikh was the beginning. The Middle East is changing. We must not, we will not let terror reverse history. Just six weeks before the elections, violence erupts along Israel's northern border. Hezbollah, a radical Shiite movement based in Lebanon that shares Hamas' disdain for the peace process, fires missiles into Israeli villages and towns. Hezbollah created a situation in the north that was, in my opinion, unbearable.
沙尔梅尔谢赫（Sharm el-Sheikh）是一个开始。中东正在发生变化。我们绝不能，也绝不会让恐怖逆转历史。就在选举前六周，以色列北部边境爆发了暴力冲突。真主党（Hezbollah）是黎巴嫩的一个激进什叶派运动组织，与哈马斯一样对和平进程不屑一顾，向以色列的村庄和城镇发射导弹。在我看来，真主党创造了一个在北部难以忍受的局势。
The state of Israel could not do nothing. A reaction was necessary. Israel launches a massive bombardment of Hezbollah bases in 711. And then on April 18, 1996, in a case of mistaken targeting, Israeli artillery hits a United Nations compound near the village of Qanna, or civilian seek shelter from the attacks. 102 men, women and children are killed. And my full support for the Egyptian.
以色列国不能束手无策。必须作出反应。以色列在1996年7月11日对真主党基地进行了大规模轰炸。然后在1996年4月18日，以色列炮击误伤了联合国位于卡娜村附近的营地，一些平民在那里寻求庇护避难。102名男女老少被杀害。我对埃及表示全力支持。
That same afternoon, Perez and Arafat are in the midst of a press conference about security coordination. When a military aide brings Perez the tragic news. I took the helicopter with Amman Shahak, and we didn't speak one word. I took the helicopter with him, and I took the helicopter with him. I looked down at the sea shore of Israel, knowing that everything would change.
同一天下午，佩雷斯和阿拉法特正在进行关于安全协调的新闻发布会。这时，一名军事助手向佩雷斯传来了令人悲痛的消息。我和阿曼·沙哈克一起乘坐直升机，我们一句话也没有说。我和他一起乘坐直升机，我注视着以色列海岸线，知道一切都将发生变化。
Israeli Arabs are outraged. They had been among the most fervent supporters of Perez and his Labour Party. But now they turn against him. We are not only Israeli citizens. The very prominent factor of us is our Palestinians. We cannot see this kind of massacres. We can punish. We would like to punish Labour Party leaders or the leaders of this country when they are committing this kind of crimes against us.
以色列阿拉伯人感到愤怒。他们曾经是佩雷斯及其工党最热情的支持者之一。但现在他们对他反目了。我们不仅仅是以色列公民，我们最重要的身份是巴勒斯坦人。我们不能容忍这种大屠杀。我们有权制裁他们。当工党领导人或这个国家的领导人对我们犯下这种罪行时，我们希望能够惩罚他们。
The punishment comes when Israeli Arabs, 20% of the population, call for a boycott of the election. When the votes are counted, Netanyahu has defeated Perez by a mere one-half of one percent. The Israeli Arab boycott made the difference.
当以色列阿拉伯人（占总人口的20%）呼吁抵制选举时，惩罚就会到来。当选票被计算时，内塔尼亚胡仅以0.5%的微弱优势打败了佩雷斯。正是以色列阿拉伯人的抵制决定了胜负结果。
Netanyahu, Israel's youngest prime minister ever at 47, now faces a dilemma. He's obliged to implement the Oslo Accords, agreements that he and much of his Likud Party oppose. You know, the whole world meets in order to prevent Netanyahu's election. And then once he's in office, these same people come to you and start to look, look, he's a pragmatic person. He's not ideologically committed. You can make peace with him. Give him a chance. Don't rush into conclusions.
内塔尼亚胡，以47岁成为以色列历史上最年轻的总理，现在面临着一个困境。他被迫实施奥斯陆协议，这些协议他和他的利库德党大部分成员都反对。你知道的，全世界都聚在一起以阻止内塔尼亚胡当选。然后一旦他当选上台，这些人就开始对你说，看，他是一个务实的人，不是有意识形态束缚的人。你可以与他和平共处。给他一个机会，不要草率下结论。
Don't. And I say, what? I told the chairman that he is very radical. I said then that I'm not sure that he is recognizing the Palestinians as a people, as a nation. And he is focusing only on the Palestinian as a terror issue. The Likud Party, not to forget that they were the majority of them, not all of them, but a big section of them, were against Oslo agreement. I thought it was important to lay down the ground rules.
不。而且我说了什么？我告诉主席他非常激进。然后我说，我不确定他是否承认巴勒斯坦人作为一个民族、一个国家。他只关注巴勒斯坦人作为一个恐怖问题。利库德党，别忘了他们中的大多数人，不是全部，但很大一部分，反对奥斯陆协议。我认为确立基本规则是重要的。
So Arafat would know exactly where I was coming from. The two-thirds of the public supported Oslo at the time. The international community supported it. They really thought that Arafat meant peace. I didn't think that he meant peace. And I said I would honor it under two conditions. One, that Arafat honor it. The second was that I would reduce the dangers in Oslo, reduce the withdrawals, reduce the price that Israel would have to pay.
所以阿拉法特将清楚地知道我的立场。当时有三分之二的公众支持奥斯陆协议。国际社会也支持它。他们真的认为阿拉法特是认真追求和平的。我并不认为他是真心诚意的。我说过，只有在两个条件下我才会遵守协议。一是阿拉法特要履行承诺。第二是我会减少奥斯陆所面临的危险，减少撤军行动，减少以色列需要付出的代价。
After the election, Mr. Abu Mazen was brought secretly to Tel Aviv. He came along with the head of the Palestinian security forces. The two gentlemen simply said the following. We have to help us. We don't know anybody in this new regime. We have to start a dialogue with them and we should start immediately.
选举结束后，阿布·马赞先生和巴勒斯坦安全部队的首脑秘密被带到特拉维夫。这两位先生简单地说了以下几句话：我们需要帮助。在这个新政权中，我们不认识任何人。我们必须与他们展开对话，而且应该立即开始。
When the negotiators meet at Arafat's compound early in 1997, the Israeli delegation is made up of fresh Netanyahu appointees from the Likud party. We walk into his living room and we sit down. And I see in front of me a whole group of different PLO advisors, officials, security men all sitting around the living room. Two of us are sitting on the other side. The PLO spokespeople say to us. The last time we came this close to somebody from the Likud government was on the outskirts of Beirut, but these were very different circumstances.
当谈判代表在1997年初在阿拉法特的住所会面时，以色列代表团由来自利库德党新任命的人组成。我们走进他的客厅，坐下来。我看到眼前是一群不同的巴勒斯坦解放组织（PLO）顾问、官员和安保人员都坐在客厅里。我们两个人坐在对面。PLO发言人对我们说：我们最后一次离利库德政府这么近是在贝鲁特郊外，但那时的情况非常不同。
The first thing you know the Rigold wanted to do that night is to change the agreement signed. This was the very distressing beginning we had with the Netanyahu government. At the end of this meeting, Arafat was sure that there will be a real crisis with this government.
你知道的第一件事，Rigold当晚想做的是改变已经签署的协议。这是我们与内塔尼亚胡政府非常不愉快的开始。在这次会议结束时，阿拉法特确信这个政府将会面临真正的危机。
Three months after the election, the peace process is stalled. The American Secretary of State Warren Christopher is sent to Jerusalem to pressure Netanyahu to meet with Arafat. Christopher is persuasive. The next month, Arafat and Netanyahu meet at the era's border crossing between Gaza and Israel. The meeting is fraught with tension as Netanyahu sits across from the very man he'd condemned as a terrorist only a few months earlier. But their handshake, though largely ceremonial, is still a symbol of hope. Benjamin Netanyahu, I remember two things he said to President Arafat very clearly. The first thing he said, we should have met a long time ago and the second thing he said, we will make it, Mr. Chairman. We will make it together, Mr. Chairman. We will make peace, Mr. Chairman.
选举三个月后，和平进程停滞不前。美国国务卿华伦·克里斯托弗被派往耶路撒冷，向内塔尼亚胡施压与阿拉法特会面。克里斯托弗具有说服力。下个月，阿拉法特和内塔尼亚胡在加沙与以色列的边境交界处会面。这次会面充满紧张，因为内塔尼亚胡坐在曾在几个月前被他谴责为恐怖分子的人对面。但是他们的握手虽然大部分是礼节性的，仍然是希望的象征。我记得本杰明·内塔尼亚胡对亚拉法特主席说了两件事。他说的第一件事是，我们早该见面了，第二件事是我们会成功的，主席先生。我们会一起成功，主席先生。我们会实现和平，主席先生。
The harmony is short-lived, disrupted by events in the old city of Jerusalem. In an area extremely sensitive to both Muslims and Jews, where the Al-Aqsa Mosque on the Temple Mount sits above the Western Wall, Netanyahu changes the status quo. He opens an ancient tunnel that runs along the wall. This action could be seen as provocative, but Netanyahu has a different explanation. I was actually approached by Palestinian merchants in the Vyodolosa, who wanted me to open the tunnel wall that was abutting the Vyodolosa. About half a million tourists a year were going through this tunnel, coming to the end, touching the Vyodolosa, but instead of getting out there, they had to go back, make a U-turn. And the merchant said, why don't you open the door? And we could get the benefit of all this commerce, all this traffic. But Israeli security officers had foreseen trouble. There was a discussion in the security cabinet, and we expressed a determined opinion that at this time it would be wrong to open the hotel tunnel. We warned against the possible consequences of such an action. I got a telephone call, and Vyodolosa told me we opened the hotel tunnel. I said, what? Why didn't you let me know in advance? It was not a surprise that if Mr. Netanyahu opens the tunnel, the confrontation immediately will come, as touching Jerusalem will burn everything.
和谐是短暂的，被耶路撒冷旧城的事件打破。在一个对穆斯林和犹太人都非常敏感的地区，阿克萨清真寺坐落在圣殿山上方的西墙之上，内塔尼亚胡改变了现状。他打开了沿着墙壁延伸的古老隧道。这种行为可能被视为挑衅，但内塔尼亚胡有不同的解释。其实是巴勒斯坦商人在维奥多洛萨来找我，希望我能开放与维奥多洛萨毗邻的隧道墙壁。每年大约有五十万游客通过这条隧道，走到尽头，碰一下维奥多洛萨，但他们不能从那里出去，必须返回原路，打个转弯。商人说，为什么不开门呢？我们可以从这种商机和交通中获益。但以色列安全人员预见到了麻烦。在安全内阁中有一场讨论，我们表达了一种坚决的观点，那就是此时打开隧道是不对的。我们警告了这种行动可能带来的后果。我接到了一个电话，维奥多洛萨告诉我我们已经开放了隧道。我说，什么？为什么你不事先让我知道？如果内塔尼亚胡先生开放隧道，立即就会出现对抗，因为涉及到耶路撒冷，一切都会燃起来。
Radicals are quick to exploit the situation. Marwan Barghouti, one of Arafat's militia leaders, spearheads the campaign. We organized these demonstrations from the Bierseit University students and other people, and I was there and it started 11 o'clock in the morning. What the Israelis' response, they start to shoot. The soldiers were across the road shooting at the Palestinians, then another wave arrived, and so on, repeatedly. I saw that and said it's inconceivable to expect the Palestinian police with their Kalachnikov guns to just stand there. You're diminishing their authority. They will shoot back. This will not end well. For the first time since Oslo, the Palestinian police used their guns against the Israeli army. I gave an order to move our tank forces into striking positions all across the fronts. Violence leaves 59 Palestinians and 16 Israelis dead. Hundreds more are wounded on both sides. Only active cooperation between Palestinian and Israeli security forces brings an end to the fighting. Bartob-Bristina leadership and Palestinian officials think that everything be achieved only by negotiations without a brochure. I agree with that. I don't think that they really understand the situation. They don't.
激进分子迅速利用了这种情况。阿拉法特的一个民兵领导者马尔万·巴尔古提带头发起了这场运动。我们组织了这些抗议活动，参与者包括由Bierseit大学学生和其他人组成，我亲自参加了活动，活动在上午11点开始。以色列人的回应是，他们开始射击。士兵们跨过道路向巴勒斯坦人开火，然后又一波又一波的士兵到来，如此反复。我看到了这一切，并且觉得让巴勒斯坦警察只带着他们的卡拉什尼科夫枪站在那里是无法想象的。这样会削弱他们的权威。他们会还击的。这样下去不会有好结果。自奥斯陆协议以来，巴勒斯坦警察首次使用武器对抗以色列军队。我下令将我们的坦克部队调集到所有前线的进攻位置。暴力事件造成59名巴勒斯坦人和16名以色列人死亡，数百人在双方受伤。只有巴勒斯坦和以色列安全部队之间的积极合作才能结束战斗。巴托布-布里斯蒂娜的领导人和巴勒斯坦官员认为只通过谈判就能实现一切，我同意这种观点。我认为他们真的不了解这种情况。他们不了解。
For your liberty, for your freedom, for your independence, you should always fight and sacrifice.
为了你们的自由，为了你们的自由，为了你们的独立，你们应该始终战斗并牺牲。
In an attempt to prevent further violence and restart negotiations, Arafat and Netanyahu are summoned to Washington by President Clinton. What I was always concerned about in a case like this, where you have a cycle that takes on a life of its own, you have to find a way to give people a reason to take a step back, to pause, to think, so that things don't continue to spiral out of control. That's what was happening then. So that's why we basically came up with the thought that we would bring them here.
为了防止进一步的暴力事件并重新启动谈判，克林顿总统召唤阿拉法特和内塔尼亚胡前往华盛顿。在像这样一个循环自生的情况下，我一直担心的是，必须找到一个办法让人们有理由退一步，停下来思考，以避免事态继续失控。那时正在发生的就是这种情况。所以我们基本上想到了将他们带到这里来的想法。
Clinton also asks King Hussein of Jordan to join the talks. Netanyahu, when he came, did not agree to anything other than a negotiating process. I'm a man of peace. I'm not a man of false peace. I'm not a man of suicidal peace. We'd say, all right, we signed any peace agreement, any peace of paper in order to say that we made peace, but at the same time, Arafat will continue the terror and continue telling his people that the goal is to destroy Israel.
克林顿还邀请了约旦国王侯赛因加入谈判。内塔尼亚胡来的时候，除了谈判进程之外，没有同意任何其他事项。我是一个追求和平的人，不是虚假和平的人，更不是自杀性和平的人。我们可以说，好吧，我们签署了任何和平协议，签了任何和平的文件来宣称我们已经和平了，但同时，阿拉法特将继续恐怖活动，并继续告诉他的人民摧毁以色列才是目标。
To a certain start to interfere, King Hussein delivers a speech very, very critical of Netanyahu. He told him, I remember that line still. I hope that you will grow up to the wisdom and courage for being. But by the end of the summit, it seems like Clinton's chemistry has worked. Netanyahu and Arafat agree to resume talks on further implementation of Oslo.
在某种程度上进行干涉后，侯赛因国王发表了一场对内塔尼亚胡非常非常批判的讲话。他对他说，我仍然记得那句话。我希望你能长大成为一个有智慧和勇气的人。但在峰会结束时，克林顿的化学效应似乎起了作用。内塔尼亚胡和阿拉法特同意恢复有关奥斯陆协议进一步实施的谈判。
After four months of difficult negotiations, Israel agrees to withdraw from Hebron, leaving behind only a small enclave of Jewish settlers. Now, Arafat will control all the major cities of the West Bank and Gaza. The Palestinians cheer. But Jewish settlers tear their garments in a ritualistic way.
经过四个月艰难的谈判之后，以色列同意从希伯伦撤军，仅留下一个小团体的犹太定居者。如今，阿拉法特将掌控约旦河西岸和加沙地带的所有主要城市。巴勒斯坦人欢呼雀跃，而犹太定居者则以一种宗教仪式的方式撕裂他们的衣服，表达着他们的忧虑。
The Palestinians cheer. The Palestinians cheer. But Jewish settlers tear their garments in a ritualistic gesture of mourning. They feel Netanyahu has betrayed them by relinquishing Hebron. The Palestinians cheer. Although Jewish settlements were not mentioned specifically in Oslo, Rabin had promised no additional ones would be built. But on March 18, 1997, Netanyahu allows construction to begin for a new settlement on a contested hill near Jerusalem.
巴勒斯坦人欢呼雀跃。巴勒斯坦人欢呼雀跃。但犹太定居者却撕裂衣物，以哀悼的仪式表达失望之情。他们觉得内塔尼亚背弃了他们，放弃了希伯伦。巴勒斯坦人欢呼雀跃。尽管奥斯陆协议中没有特别提到犹太定居点，但拉宾曾承诺不再建造额外的定居点。然而，在1997年3月18日，内塔尼亚胡允许在耶路撒冷附近的一个有争议的山上开始建设一个新的定居点。
Our commitment to unify Jerusalem under Israeli sovereignty is not just a cosmetic commitment. I made it very clear that I would do it, that I was willing to face the music and the music came. The Palestinians are the equivalent to bus exploiting interlevive to Israelis. That's the ultimate threat. It's land, it's future. It's people who want to settlements are put there to stop us from having our future in the Bennett state. Freedom.
我们统一耶路撒冷并将其纳入以色列主权的承诺不仅仅是一种表面上的承诺。我已经非常清楚地表示过我会这样做，我愿意面对困难和挑战，而这些困难和挑战也确实出现了。巴勒斯坦人对以色列人进行了利用和欺骗，这是对我们的最终威胁。这关系到土地、未来以及我们被安置在那里的人们。这是为了阻止我们拥有自由和未来而设立的定居点。
Tensions remain high throughout the area. Intellivivah suicide bomber explodes himself in a packed cafe on a busy Friday morning. Four months later, two suicide attacks ripped through Jerusalem's main market within ten minutes of each other. Sixteen are killed, hundreds wounded. In response, Israel limits access in and out of Palestinian territories and enforces a strict curfew. Life in the territories becomes more and more difficult.
紧张局势在整个地区持续高涨。情报显示，一名Intellivivah自杀式爆炸者在繁忙的周五早上一家拥挤的咖啡馆引爆了自己。四个月之后，两起自杀式袭击在耶路撒冷主要市场相继发生，时间间隔仅为十分钟。十六人死亡，数百人受伤。作为回应，以色列限制对巴勒斯坦领土的出入，并实施严格的宵禁。领土居民生活变得越来越困难。
The shot is not any of the shot is not going to happen. To try to contain the growing crisis, the new American Secretary of State, Madeline Albright, is dispatched to the area. Feel that it's important to try to make this place safer, because I'd like to do everything I can. With Arafat, it took a while for me to get so that we could actually have good conversations. We had talked on the telephone shortly after I became Secretary of State, and he would be so emotional that I had to hold the phone away from my ear, because he would just get so bad. And then finally, we developed a way that we could actually talk with each other.
这场冲突不会有任何的解决。为了试图拯救不断升级的危机，新任美国国务卿麦德琳·奥尔布赖特被派往该地区。我觉得努力让这个地方更安全非常重要，因为我想尽我所能做到这一点。与阿拉法特在一起，我花了一段时间才能真正进行良好的对话。在我成为国务卿后的不久，我们通过电话进行交谈，但他情绪激动得让我不得不把电话放在耳朵远离的地方，因为他情绪非常不稳定。最后，我们找到了一种方法可以真正彼此交流。
The next day, I went to a school for Palestinian students, and it was, I think, of the various meetings as Secretary that I had, one of the hardest, because the Palestinian students were very clear in the way they asked the question, saying, we don't understand what our future is. And I didn't have very good answers for them. The truth is that that meeting really stuck in my head and made me realize that I needed to learn a lot more about the Palestinians' needs.
第二天，我去了一个为巴勒斯坦学生设立的学校。在我担任秘书期间，这是我参加的各种会议中最难的之一，因为巴勒斯坦学生非常明确地提出问题，说我们不明白我们的未来是什么。而我对他们的问题没有太好的答案。事实上，那次会议真的让我印象深刻，并让我意识到我需要更多地了解巴勒斯坦人的需求。
In September, three more suicide bombers strike at the heart of Jerusalem. Five Israelis are killed and over 200 wounded, many of them teenagers. Netanyahu declares that no more land will be handed over to the Palestinians as long as terror continues. Netanyahu knows that the force behind the suicide bombers is Hamas. He orders the head of the Israeli Mossad, Dani Yatong, to eliminate a top Hamas officer who lives in Amman, Jordan. On September 25, two Mossad agents disguised as Canadian tourists arrive in Amman. Their mission? To inject Khalid Mashal with a chemical that will cause a fatal heart attack.
九月份，又有三名自杀式炸弹袭击者袭击了耶路撒冷的中心地区。五名以色列人丧生，200多人受伤，其中许多是十几岁的青少年。内塔尼亚胡宣布，在恐怖行动继续下去的同时，将不再将更多土地交还给巴勒斯坦人。内塔尼亚胡知道自杀式炸弹背后的力量是哈马斯。他命令以色列摩萨德情报机构的负责人丹尼·雅通，消灭一个居住在约旦安曼的哈马斯高级军官。九月二十五日，两名伪装成加拿大游客的摩萨德特工抵达安曼。他们的任务是给哈立德·马沙尔注射一种会导致致命心脏病发作的化学物质。
I was on my way to the office when two Mossad agents assaulted me from the back. One of them had a sophisticated device which discharged poison. The poison entered my skin and the substance reached my brain. And within two hours, I started to feel the effects. They had a lot of cotton.
当我走在去办公室的路上时，突然有两名摩萨德特工从背后袭击了我。其中一人手持一种高级装置，释放了毒物。毒物进入了我的皮肤，随后到达了我的大脑。而在两个小时内，我开始感受到了这种毒物的效果。他们带着许多棉花。
When I learned about the failure, I wanted to inform King Hussein. The palace was enraged. The king expressed his opinion to me and said it's like inviting a guest to my house. I find out that the guest has raped my daughter. To placate King Hussein, Netanyahu tries to save Mashal's life. I sent Dani Yatong, the head of Mossad, as he was about to leave. I said, Dani, I think you forgot something. He said what? I said, well, the antidote to the poison. By noon, the head of the Israeli Mossad himself is on his way to save the life of a man he sought to kill only two hours earlier.
当我得知失败的消息时，我想要通知侯赛因国王。皇宫勃然大怒。国王向我表达了他的观点，并说这就像邀请一位客人来到我的家中，然后发现这位客人强奸了我的女儿。为了安抚侯赛因国王，内塔尼亚胡试图拯救马沙尔的生命。就在他即将离开的时候，我派遣了摩萨德的负责人丹尼·雅通。我对他说，丹尼，我觉得你忘记了什么。他问道，什么事？我说，嗯，解药。到中午时，以色列摩萨德的负责人亲自前往挽救一个仅仅两小时前还想杀死的人的生命。
Jordan also demands the release of Sheikh Ahmed Yasin, the founder and spiritual leader of Hamas, after nine years in an Israeli prison. It's a triumph for the extremists. It's a triumph for Hamas. It's a triumph for Hamas. It's a triumph for Hamas.
约旦还要求释放哈马斯的创始人和精神领袖谢赫·艾哈迈德·亚辛，他已经在以色列监狱中被关押了九年。这对极端分子来说是一次胜利，对哈马斯来说也是一次胜利。
Continuing to assert Israeli control over Jerusalem, Netanyahu allows Jewish settlers to buy and occupy houses within Arab sections of the city. Once again changing the status quo. Palestinians demonstrating against Jewish settlers are joined by groups of Israelis who oppose Netanyahu's policies.
继续坚持对耶路撒冷的控制，内塔尼亚胡允许犹太定居者在城市的阿拉伯地区购买和占据房屋。再次改变现状。抗议犹太定居者的巴勒斯坦人得到了反对内塔尼亚胡政策的以色列人群的支持。
We hope that Mr. Netanyahu would realize that he's really pushing Palestinians and Israelis towards the cycle of violence and counter-violence.
我们希望尼坦雅胡先生能够意识到，他的行动实际上正在推动巴勒斯坦人和以色列人走向暴力循环与反暴力。
Early in 1998, Ehud Barak, the leader of Israel's labor party, begins to challenge Netanyahu's leadership. I used the metaphor of the Titanic. I said, it's clear to me that we are heading into an iceberg. And I demanded from Netanyahu's government ministers to open their eyes. They will immediately see the iceberg. If we want to try seriously to solve it, at certain point it will explode and we will be torn from within, since at least part of our own society will believe and say that their own government is responsible.
1998年初，以背拉克为首的以色列劳工党开始挑战内塔尼亚胡的领导地位。我使用了泰坦尼克号的隐喻。我说，对我来说很明显，我们正在向冰山驶去。我要求内塔尼亚胡的政府部长们睁开眼睛。他们一眼就会看到冰山。如果我们想认真解决这个问题，到了某个时刻，它将会爆发，我们将内部分裂，因为至少我们社会的一部分人会相信并说他们自己的政府有责任。
October 1998. In yet another attempt to revive the peace process, the Americans call a summit meeting at the Y Plantation in Maryland. We wanted to work on how to transfer this percentage of land from the Israelis to the Palestinians and work on some of the issues of security that the Israelis had. Ladies and gentlemen of the Gulf. Ladies and gentlemen of the Gulf. I want to thank you for your time. I want to thank you for your time. I want to thank you for your time. I want to thank you for your time. I want to thank you for your time. I want to thank you for your time. I want to thank you for your time. I want to thank you for your time. I want to thank you for your time. I want to thank you for your time. I want to thank you for your time. I want to thank you for your time. I want to thank you for your time.
1998年10月，在为重启和平进程作出的又一次尝试中，美国人在马里兰州的Y庄园召开了一次峰会。我们想要探讨如何将这部分土地从以色列人转交给巴勒斯坦人，并解决以色列人所面临的一些安全问题。海湾的女士们先生们，海湾的女士们先生们。我要感谢大家的时间。我要感谢大家的时间。我要感谢大家的时间。我要感谢大家的时间。我要感谢大家的时间。我要感谢大家的时间。我要感谢大家的时间。我要感谢大家的时间。我要感谢大家的时间。我要感谢大家的时间。我要感谢大家的时间。我要感谢大家的时间。我要感谢大家的时间。
Flowers are delivered from Arafat who follows up with a personal phone call. Hello. My name is Ria Tanas. Mr. Chairman, you're very kind. Thank you. The personal basis is very, very much appreciated. Shallam, I think if we work together, maybe we could do more than the intermediaries. But whatever happens, Mr. Chairman, I very much appreciate this gesture and I shall remember. Thank you. Bye-bye.
阿拉法特先生送来了花束，并跟进了一通个人电话。您好。我叫Ria Tanas。主席先生，您非常仁慈。谢谢您。这份个人关怀我非常非常感激。沙拉姆，如果我们一起努力，也许比起通过中间人我们可以做更多。但无论发生什么事，主席先生，我非常感激这个举动，我会记住的。谢谢。再见。
The next day President Clinton thrusts his full weight behind the negotiations. After a marathon 21-hour session, the sides agree to what becomes known as the Y Accords. It really did show what can happen when a president with the kind of knowledge that Bill Clinton had on this issue and understanding of both sides and his ability to listen and then to kind of take the issues out of the box and rearrange them, that there is a role for an American president who to bring the parties together.
第二天，克林顿总统全力支持谈判。在长达21小时的马拉松式谈判后，各方达成了一项后来被称为Y协议的协议。这真正展示了当一位总统具备类似克林顿在这个问题上拥有的知识和对双方的理解以及倾听和解决问题能力时，会发生什么。这表明美国总统有能力将各方带到一起。
Then when everything seems to be going well, Netanyahu demands the release of American-born Israeli spy Jonathan Pollard. Securing his release would help Netanyahu with his right wing back home. At 4.30 or 5.30 in the morning, as we were concluding, I hear voices. And then I see that there was no finger pointing between President Clinton and Netanyahu. Everything was more or less finished, ready to be concluded and signed. And I admit the president and I said, well, what about Pollard? When will he be released? And he explained that he could not carry out his promise because he had a threat of mass resignations in his defense establishment. The two of them had a very different impression of their conversation.
然后，当一切都看似进展顺利时，内塔尼亚胡要求释放美国出生的以色列间谍乔纳森·波拉德。释放他将有助于内塔尼亚胡在国内的右翼立场。在早上4点30分或5点30分，当我们即将结束时，我听到有声音。然后我看到克林顿总统和内塔尼亚胡之间没有指责对方的情况。一切基本上都结束了，准备好进行最后的总结和签署。我承认总统和我问道，那波拉德呢？他什么时候会被释放？他解释说，他无法兑现自己的承诺，因为他在国防部门面临着大规模辞职的威胁。他们两人对他们的对话有着完全不同的印象。
I recall talking to Danie Navey and Yitzig Mohole afterwards when I went down to see them when we were stuck in the morning. And I said, look, one thing is clear, you can't hold up the whole agreement on Pollard. It won't be understandable. It won't be understandable in this country because no one will see their relationship. And even in Israel, you will be sacrificing an agreement that is heavily focused on Israeli security for the sake of Pollard. It's not tenable. You can't do it. And what they said to me was, it's, Beebe's in a very difficult political position because he was counting on this to be able to sell the agreement.
我记得在早上的时候去见丹尼·纳维和伊齐·摩霍尔时与他们交谈过。我说，看，有一件事很明显，你不能因为波拉德的问题而拖延整个协议。这是无法理解的。在这个国家，没有人会看到他们之间的关系。甚至在以色列，你将因波拉德而牺牲一个严重关注以色列安全的协议。这是不能持久的。你不能这样做。他们对我说，贝贝处于非常困难的政治位置，因为他指望这个问题来推动协议的销售。
Netanyahu in the end made a very important decision. After a lot of difficulty, he really, I think we all felt a sense of admiration for him when we arrived at the White House for the signing ceremony. This agreement is designed to rebuild trust and renew hope for peace between the parties. Now both sides must build on that hope, carry out their commitments, begin the difficult but urgent journey toward a permanent settlement. It was very important.
内塔尼亚胡最终做出了一个非常重要的决定。经过很多困难，当我们抵达白宫参加签署仪式时，我们真的感到对他产生了一种钦佩之情。这个协议旨在重建双方之间的信任和重新恢复对和平的希望。现在，双方都必须建立在这种希望之上，履行自己的承诺，开始艰难但紧迫的迈向永久解决方案的旅程。这非常重要。
No doubt. No doubt that Netanyahu and Cheryl, they were together. In the end, both of us accepted the agreement.
毫无疑问。毫无疑问，内塔尼亚胡和谢丽尔他们在一起。最终，我们俩都接受了协议。
The White Agreement allows for the construction of an international airport for the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. It opens on November 24, 1998. Israel agrees to pull back its forces from an additional 13 percent of the West Bank. But only about half of this would be done. Israel also agrees to release 750 Palestinian prisoners without blood on their hands. But only 250 would be released. The Palestinian Authority agrees to combat terrorist organizations to arrest those involved in terrorist activities and to collect all illegal weapons and explosives. But in fact, little or none of this would be done. The Palestinian Authority agrees to combat terrorist attacks.
白纸协议允许在加沙地带为巴勒斯坦人建设一个国际机场，该机场于1998年11月24日开放。以色列同意从约13%的约旦河西岸撤军，但只有大约一半的撤军承诺得到履行。以色列还同意释放750名无血债的巴勒斯坦囚犯，但只释放了250人。巴勒斯坦权力机构同意打击恐怖组织，逮捕参与恐怖活动的人，并收缴所有非法武器和爆炸物。但实际上，几乎没有或没有做到这一点。巴勒斯坦权力机构同意打击恐怖袭击。
The Palestinian Authority agrees to combat terrorist attacks. The Palestinian Authority agrees to combat terrorist attacks. Seven weeks after the White Meetings, in an extraordinary gesture, President Clinton comes to Gaza to lend his prestige to the implementation of portions of the agreement. It is seen as a state visit, affording Arafat and the Palestinian Authority defacto national recognition. In Clinton's presence, the Palestinian National Council takes a historic step. They vote to rescind the clause in the PLO Charter that calls for the destruction of the state of Israel. It was a stunning moment. They raised their hands and they stood up still holding up their hands just to be sure that everyone could see that their hands were raised. And three quarters of that audience responded. And this sort of brought into focus this incredible sense that here is the beginning of genuine reconciliation. Here is the beginning of those who've rejected the very idea piece, understanding this is over. It's passed.
巴勒斯坦权力机构同意打击恐怖袭击。七周之后，白宫会谈结束，克林顿总统以一种特殊的姿态来到加沙，借助他的威望来推动协议的部分实施。此行被视为国事访问，为阿拉法特和巴勒斯坦权力机构提供了事实上的国际承认。在克林顿的见证下，巴勒斯坦民族委员会迈出了历史性的一步。他们投票废除巴解组织宪章中关于摧毁以色列国的条款。这是一个惊人的时刻。他们举起了手，站起来仍然保持手举着，只是为了确保每个人都能看到他们举起的手。三分之三的观众做出了回应。这样一来，我们开始真正意识到和解的开端。那些曾经拒绝和平的人们现在理解这一切已经结束了，已经成为过去。
But it is not to be. The very extremist Arafat is supposed to control stage violent protests against the recognition of Israel. And in Israel, the very people that had brought Netanyahu into power see the handover of more territory as an act of betrayal. And begin to work for his downfall.
但事情不是这样的。极端主义者阿拉法特应该控制阶段暴力抗议活动，反对承认以色列。而在以色列，那些曾经支持内塔尼亚胡上台的人，认为交出更多的领土是背叛的行为，并开始为他的下台而努力。
On January 4, 1999, the Knesset convenes in an extraordinary session to decide the future of the government. Netanyahu has a hard time making his case. And the President has a hard time making his case. And the President has a hard time making his case. And the President has a hard time making his case. Over two-thirds of the members of the Knesset, from all across the political spectrum, rebuke Netanyahu and call for new elections.
1999年1月4日，以色列议会在一次特别会议中讨论政府的未来。尼坦雅胡在为自己辩护时遇到了困难。总统也难以为自己的立场辩护。此外，总统也难以为自己的立场辩护。以色列议会的三分之二以上的议员，来自各个政治派别，对尼坦雅胡表示谴责，并呼吁进行新选举。
The President has a hard time making his case. And the President has a hard time making his case. And the President has a hard time making his case. And the President has a hard time making his case. And the President has a hard time making his case. And the President has a hard time making his case. And the President has a hard time making his case. And the President has a hard time making his case. And the President has a hard time making his case. And the President has a hard time making his case.
总统很难说服他的观点。总统很难说服他的观点。总统很难说服他的观点。总统很难说服他的观点。总统很难说服他的观点。总统很难说服他的观点。总统很难说服他的观点。总统很难说服他的观点。总统很难说服他的观点。总统很难说服他的观点。
On May 17, 1999, Ehud Barak wins a landslide victory, becoming Israel's 14th Prime Minister. The President has a hard time making his case. The President has a hard time making his case. And the President has a hard time making his case. And the President has a hard time making his case. And the President has a hard time making his claim.
1999年5月17日，埃胡德·巴拉克以压倒性优势获胜，成为以色列第14任总理。总统很难说服人们接受他的观点。总统很难说服人们接受他的观点。总统很难说服人们接受他的观点。总统很难说服人们接受他的观点。总统很难成功地表达他的主张。
As our commanders, we will bring this our final AM�ie, maybe see our last meeting. That's great. And at the same time, very moving since it was clear to me that I'm about to continue the legacy of Robin that had been cut at this very place a very short time ago. It was clear to me that we have a major interest in trying to disengage ourselves, to separate ourselves from the Palestinians, to have two states or two nations. And it was clear to me that without taking active steps, it will erupt. You cannot stretch this waning of other people for another generation. That night, I just went through the screen of 1996 till 1999, Netanyahu's year, Sharon's year, Moon Haïr's. And we're getting rid of this.
作为我们的指挥官，我们将带来这是我们最后的早晨，也许是见到我们最后一次的会议。这太好了。与此同时，我感到非常感动，因为我清楚地意识到我即将继承罗宾的遗产，而他的遗产在这个地方不久前被切断了。我明白我们非常希望努力与巴勒斯坦人脱钩，实现两个国家或两个民族的分离。我明白如果不采取积极的步骤，事态将会爆发。你不能把这个民族的凋零拖延到下一代。那个晚上，我只是浏览了从1996年到1999年的画面，内塔尼亚胡的年代，沙龙的年代，孟海尔的年代。我们正在摆脱这一切。
In a deeply symbolic act, Barack pays his first official visit to Egypt, the most powerful Arab state, and one that has been at peace with Israel for over two decades. Barack also wants to enlist Egypt's help in advancing the peace process. He said that he's determined to work for peace and that he had the support of the people. And although he was not quite confident of the intentions of the Palestinian Authority and Chairman Arafat, but to tell them that we would be with him on the peace process with help, with maybe it.
在一个具有深刻象征意义的举动中，巴拉克(奥巴马)首次正式访问了埃及，这是阿拉伯国家中最强大的一个，已经与以色列保持和平超过二十年。巴拉克还希望得到埃及在推进和平进程方面的帮助。他表示他决心致力于和平，并且拥有人民的支持。虽然他对巴勒斯坦权力机构和主席阿拉法特的意图不太自信，但他表示将告诉他们我们将在和平进程中与他们并肩前行，给予协助，或许还会有更多帮助。
Good morning, welcome Prime Minister of the United States. While his mandate is strong, Barack wants to push for a permanent agreement quickly, skipping the interim redeployments called for in the wire cords. He envisions a two-state solution that will finally put an end to the conflict.
早上好，欢迎美国总理。虽然他的任期力量强大，但巴拉克希望能够快速推动达成一个永久协议，跳过线缆协议中所要求的临时重新布署。他展望着一个能够最终结束冲突的两国解决方案。
On July 11th, he flies to the era's crossing on the Israel-Gaza border for his first official meeting with the Palestinian leadership. I remember Barack said greatly that he would make tough decisions, courageous decisions. It's we who will make these decisions for your generations and my generations. The Palestinians expect to obtain a commitment from Barack to immediately implement the long-delayed third redeployment. And then Barack jumped to say, we don't need to waste our time and little issues. We don't need to concentrate on the third phase of the further redeployment. We should go at it to get the whole thing done. And at that moment of history, the third phase of the further redeployment constituted the most cardinal point in Palestinian politics and Palestinian thinking and Palestinian relations with the Israelis.
7月11日，他飞往以色列-加沙边界的时代交错地区，与巴勒斯坦领导人进行他的首次正式会议。我记得巴拉克曾经说过，他将做出艰难的决定，勇敢的决定。是我们将为你们的一代和我的一代做出这些决定。巴勒斯坦人期望获得巴拉克的承诺，立即执行长期拖延的第三次撤军。然后巴拉克跳出来说，我们不需要浪费时间在小问题上。我们不需要专注于进一步撤军的第三阶段。我们应该努力把整件事情做完。在那个历史时刻，进一步撤军的第三阶段构成了巴勒斯坦政治、巴勒斯坦思想和巴勒斯坦与以色列的关系中最关键的一点。
Representative Al-Fad was so much touched negatively by Barack that first meeting. I told him, let us suggest an alternative. There is nothing to win by stretching the conflicts of another generation. We will have to bury our, they will have to bury their dead, and we will end up with the same topography, the same demography, the same problems on the table, and an open way toward Kosovo, Belfaz type situation which we don't need.
代表阿尔-法德在那次与巴拉克的首次会面中非常受到了消极的触动。我告诉他，让我们提出一个替代方案。拉长冲突只会让另一代人无所获益。我们必须埋葬我们的争斗，他们也必须埋葬他们的争斗，我们最终将面临相同的地形、人口结构和问题，同时还会走向科索沃、贝尔法斯等地的局势，而这是我们不需要的。
Gillard Cher is Israel's new principal negotiator. It's now his turn to work with Saab Erikaat, who has headed the Palestinian delegation since the process began. Cher represents the fourth Israeli administration Erikaat has had to deal with.
吉拉德·谢尔是以色列的新任首席谈判代表。现在轮到他与自进程开始以来一直领导巴勒斯坦代表团的萨卜·埃里卡特合作工作了。谢尔是埃里卡特不得不与之打交道的第四次以色列政府。
Our first meeting was a meeting of setting our minds together to the possibility of concluding peace agreements with our neighbors. I sense a level of trust, developing between us, and I hope that this trust will go to the level of Mr. Barack and President Arafat.
我们的首次会面是为了共同思考与邻国达成和平协议的可能性。我感到我们之间正在建立一种信任，并希望这种信任能达到类似于巴拉克先生和阿拉法特总统之间的层次。
When you talk eye to eye with your interlocutor, with your counterpart, and when he knows, after a couple of times, that even the most difficult things that you have to tell him is done with sincerity, you never lie to him, then you gain his confidence. And Arafat knows that.
当你与对话者面对面交谈时，与你的对等者交谈时，当他在几次交谈之后知道，即使是最困难的事情你都是真诚的告诉他，你从不对他撒谎，那么你就赢得了他的信任。阿拉法特知道这一点。
I hope that one day, very soon, within a year, we can have a Palestinian state next to Israel, and this is not a dream now. It's a fact. I hope that once I get to this point here, because that's what the Sabrettes, the Bereting Line of 97, I hope that I will go visit my Israeli friends and present my passport at the center and see her going from East Jerusalem to East Jerusalem.
我希望有一天，非常快地，在一年之内，我们能够在以色列旁边拥有一个巴勒斯坦国家，这不再是一个梦想，而是事实。我希望到达这个目标，因为这是我们97年的奋斗目标，我希望能够去拜访我的以色列朋友，向中央出示我的护照，然后从东耶路撒冷到东耶路撒冷看到她的风采。
After five weeks of negotiations, they would read on a framework and timetable for the final peace agreement. The Palestinian and Israeli delegations assembled in Egypt at Shamil Sheikh to celebrate the fruits of Arafat and Sheikh's efforts. It's the first time. You could have felt the hope in the air, in Jolyville, this hotel in Shamil Sheikh. It seems the peace process is back on track.
经过五周的谈判，他们达成了最终和平协议的框架和时间表。巴勒斯坦和以色列代表团齐聚埃及的沙米尔谢赫，以庆祝阿拉法特和谢赫努力的成果。这是第一次。你可以感觉到希望在空气中弥漫，就在沙米尔谢赫的乔利维尔酒店里。和平进程似乎重新回到正轨上来了。
As a confidence-building measure, Israel agrees to release 350 security prisoners in two phases. The Palestinians, for their part, agree to enforce the existing security understandings. Then suddenly, the very next day, three suicide bombers strike in Haifa and Tiberia. Miraculously, only the bombers themselves are killed.
作为增强信任的举措，以色列同意分两个阶段释放350名安全囚犯。巴勒斯坦人则同意执行现有的安全协议。然而，接下来的一天，哈伊法和提比里亚发生了三起自杀式炸弹袭击。奇迹般地，只有炸弹袭击者自己被击毙。
Despite the terror attacks, Barack releases 199 Palestinian prisoners as planned. The President of the United States, accompanied by the Prime Minister of Israel and the Foreign Minister of Syria. Barack now shifts his attention away from the Palestinians to Syria. Israel's longtime enemy to the north.
尽管遭受了恐怖袭击，巴拉克仍按计划释放了199名巴勒斯坦囚犯。美国总统与以色列总理和叙利亚外交部长一同行动。巴拉克现在将注意力从巴勒斯坦转向了以色列的长期敌人叙利亚。
Good morning. For the first time in history, there is a chance of a comprehensive peace between Israel and Syria and indeed all its neighbors. We'll do everything we possibly can to help the parties succeed. For a comprehensive peace in the Middle East is vital not only to the region. It is also vital to the world.
早上好。历史上首次，在以色列和叙利亚以及其所有邻国之间实现全面和平的机会出现了。我们将尽一切可能帮助各方取得成功。中东地区的全面和平不仅对该地区至关重要，对整个世界也是至关重要的。
But after two months of effort, the talks between Israel and Syria break down. All the while, Arafat has been suspicious of Barack's overtures to the Syrians, concerned that a deal with Syria will ease the pressure on Barack to compromise with the Palestinians. Any agreement with any other countries will not stop us. But he used it to lose time.
但是在经过两个月的努力后，以色列和叙利亚之间的谈判破裂了。与此同时，阿拉法特一直对巴拉克向叙利亚人提出的示好表示怀疑，担心与叙利亚达成协议会削弱巴拉克与巴勒斯坦人妥协的压力。任何与其他国家的协议都不能阻止我们。但他却利用这个来浪费时间。
We're looking around us asking who are our counterparts in the Israeli side for the interim negotiations and for the pyramid's negotiations. And the settlements, still expanding under Barack, become the main issues when negotiations resume. What will happen to the 180,000 Israeli settlers in the West Bank and Gaza? How much land will the Israelis seed to the Palestinians? How much land will they want to keep?
我们正在四处寻找以色列方面在临时谈判和金字塔谈判中的对应人物。当谈判恢复时，定居点依然在巴拉克的领导下不断扩张，成为主要问题。180,000名以色列定居者在约旦河西岸和加沙地带将会怎样？以色列人将会将多少土地让给巴勒斯坦人？他们想保留多少土地？
The settlement policies continue. We were supposed to start talking about the future of the land. And our counterpart, the Israeli, was determining unilaterally through the confiscation of land the future of the land.
翻译成中文：
定居政策仍在继续。我们原本应该开始讨论土地的未来。而我们的对手以色列方面，通过没收土地单方面决定土地的未来。
Israeli negotiator Odediran asks Barack to present the Palestinians with a map to show how they propose to divide the West Bank. He agreed. And I was authorized to show the Palestinians a scheme. It wasn't a map. It was just a general outline. The Palestinians had constantly been saying, we need to see a map. We need to see a map. Oded had not been allowed to show a map by Barack. He was allowed to show a drawing, basically. And what happened here was what the Palestinians saw was an approach that basically would have in their mind carved up the West Bank. Cutting West Bank into three. Even inside each one of these small canteons, there will be holes of settlements. So if this is this situation, they know that we will not accept it. We will not accept it at all. They were enraged. They were really, really angry. And one of them opened the barrage of almost 10 minutes of cursing and in Arabic and in English, in Hebrew. The Palestinians walked away from the room. And I went to them and I said, do you want to be angry with him? It's fine. You don't like what he presented? It's fine. But you don't walk out on me. You walk out on me. You want me to be here for negotiations? You stay in the negotiations.
以色列谈判代表奥德迪兰要求巴拉克向巴勒斯坦人提供一张地图，以展示他们打算如何划分约旦河西岸。他同意了。我得到授权向巴勒斯坦人展示一个方案。这并不是一张地图，只是一个大致的轮廓。巴勒斯坦人一直在说，我们需要看到一张地图，我们需要看到一张地图。巴拉克不允许奥德展示一张地图，只允许他展示一个简单的图纸。结果，巴勒斯坦人看到的是一种他们认为将会将约旦河西岸划分的方式，形成三个区域。甚至在每一个小领土内，也将有定居点。如果出现这种情况，他们知道我们不会接受。他们非常愤怒。其中一人进行了近10分钟的咒骂，用阿拉伯语、英语和希伯来语。巴勒斯坦人离开了房间。我走过去对他们说，你们想对他发脾气，没问题。你们不喜欢他提出的方案，也没问题。但你们不能离开我。你们走开，你们就无法与我进行谈判。
Then I said, why did you leave? I was going to ask him questions about it. I told him, OK, you can ask him questions by lettering, but not in front of us. And what kind of questions? And he said, one question I wanted to ask is why the Israeli area here is so big. Why it's not smaller? Thank you very much for this question. I keep this question for yourself. I will not accept this question even to be asked in my presence.
然后我说，你为什么离开了？我本来想问他一些关于这个问题的问题的。我告诉他，好的，你可以通过写信的方式问他问题，但是不要当着我们的面。还有什么样的问题呢？他说，我想问的一个问题是为什么这里的以色列地区这么大，为什么不小一些呢？非常感谢你提出这个问题。这个问题我自己保留，我不会接受这个问题甚至在我面前提问。
Meanwhile, a secret negotiation in Stockholm deals with another contentious issue, the Palestinian refugees, three million displaced people who demand the right to return, a number equaling roughly half the population of Israel. Their return would alter the nature of the Jewish state.
与此同时，一场在斯德哥尔摩进行的秘密谈判正在处理另一个颇有争议的问题，即巴勒斯坦难民——三百万流离失所的人们要求回归的权利，这个数字大约相当于以色列人口的一半。他们的回归将改变犹太国家的性质。
We felt that we were making progress. We were in the managing to turn the highly emotional and historically awesome problem into a mechanism. We were differing about numbers. We say that Israel will be ready to absorb a minimal number, in fact, symbolic number of refugees, but only within a scheme of family reunification, humanitarian purposes. I know how difficult it is for them, but they should know how it is difficult for us. We cannot go for any agreement supported by half of our people, or less than half of our people. Any agreement should be supported from the majority of the Palestinian people. And without solving the refugee problem, there would be no agreement. The refugee problem would continue to haunt the negotiations.
我们感觉我们正在取得进展。我们设法将高度情绪化和具有历史意义的问题转变成一种机制。我们在数字上存在分歧。我们说以色列将准备好吸纳一小部分、实际上是象征性的难民，但仅限于家庭团聚和人道目的的计划内。我知道他们的困难，但他们应该知道我们的困难。我们不能接受只有半数人或不到半数人支持的任何协议。任何协议都应得到巴勒斯坦人民的大多数支持。而且如果难民问题得不到解决，就不会有协议。难民问题将继续困扰谈判。
Meanwhile, Barack moves to fulfill a campaign promise and end Israel's 22-year occupation of southern Lebanon. He had hoped to do it as part of an agreement with Syria, but now he decides to act unilaterally. Undercover of darkness, Israeli forces withdraw. Hezbollah, the Shiite Muslim fundamentalist militia that had been fighting the Israeli army in Lebanon for years, sees Israel's flight as a massive victory. A few alarmed guerrillas have made the mighty Israeli army retreat. Many Palestinians now believe they too can achieve their aims by fighting rather than negotiating. The minute the Palestinian people see your soldiers running away and allowing the Lebanese to liberate themselves, they ask, why don't we do it their way? And we are all going to see them. With us, the Israeli negotiated a deal. Four years we gave them security, killed Palestinians in cooperation with them, for Israeli security, and virtually got nothing except a postponed redeployment in terms of land. His Barack killed Israeli soldiers, and now they are measuring the force of June 67 He says the message to every Palestinian will be clear, kill and get the land.
同时，巴拉克（Barack）着手履行竞选承诺，结束以色列对黎巴嫩南部的22年占领。他原本希望通过与叙利亚达成协议来实现这一目标，但现在他决定采取单方面行动。在黑暗的掩护下，以色列军队撤退了。多年来一直与以色列军队在黎巴嫩作战的什叶派穆斯林基金会武装组织真主党视以色列的撤退为一次巨大的胜利。一些担忧的游击战士们竟让强大的以色列军队撤退了。现在许多巴勒斯坦人相信，他们也可以通过战斗而非谈判实现自己的目标。一旦巴勒斯坦人看到你们的士兵在逃跑，让黎巴嫩人解放自己，他们就会问，为什么我们不按照他们的方式行事呢？我们都将看到这一点。与我们一起，以色列人谈判达成了协议。四年来，我们为了以色列的安全杀害了巴勒斯坦人，与他们合作，实际上除了推迟土地撤退，我们几乎没有得到任何东西。巴拉克杀死了以色列士兵，现在他们正以1967年六月事件的武力衡量我们。他说，对每个巴勒斯坦人来说，这个信息是清楚的，杀人就能得到土地。
We were very worried that violence would come, and we wanted to avoid it, and maybe by going into the permanent status issues, we were going to be able to do that. And our Fats said, I want them to deliver things to me, don't talk about resolving everything. So we focused on trying to create a package of things that would allow us to address our Fats concerns on the one hand and pave the way to a summit on the other.
我们非常担心暴力事件的发生，希望能够避免它。通过涉及永久地位问题，或许我们能够实现这一目标。我们的法特斯说，他希望他们给我带来具体成果，而不是只谈论解决一切问题。因此，我们着重于尝试打造一个方案，既能够解决我们法特斯的关切，又能够为召开峰会铺平道路。
At home, Barack faces intense political pressure. He is under fire for his lack of success with Syria, for his withdrawal from Lebanon, and for being ineffectual with the Palestinians. He urges President Clinton to hold a summit to resolve everything once and for all. Barack's strategy before Camp David was either there will be an agreement that will bring peace and the end of the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, or it will be a failure that will lead to violent confrontation. I remember I asked him, what if there is only some progress, but we don't have an agreement? He would Barack held a pencil in his hand. He told me, Gadi, do you see this pencil? It stands because I am holding it. Either we will find a way to anchor it, because there is a peace agreement. Or if not, I take off my hand and the pencil falls.
在家中，巴拉克面临着巨大的政治压力。他因对叙利亚的缺乏成功、对黎巴嫩的撤军以及在巴勒斯坦问题上的无效表现而备受指责。他敦促克林顿总统召开峰会来一次解决所有问题。巴拉克在戴维营之前的战略是要么达成一项协议以实现以色列和巴勒斯坦之间的和平和冲突的终结，要么失败将导致暴力对抗。我记得我问过他，如果只是取得了一些进展，但我们没有达成协议怎么办？他拿着一支铅笔告诉我：“Gadi，你看到这支铅笔了吗？它能站立是因为我在扶着它。要么我们会找到一个锚定它的方式，因为有一个和平协议。要么，如果没有，我会拿掉我的手，铅笔就会掉下来。”
On July 10, 2000, the leaders head off to a hastily prepared summit at Camp David. I am now leaving for Camp David to join Prime Minister Barack and Chairman Arafat in their effort to reach agreement on the core issues that have divided Israelis and Palestinians for half a century now. The two leaders face profound and wrenching questions, and there can be no success without principled compromise. Both leaders feel the weight of history, but both I believe recognize this as a moment in history which they can seize. The road to peace, as always, is a two-way street. Thank you.
2000年7月10日，领导人们匆忙前往戴维营参加紧急召开的峰会。我现在也要前往戴维营，与总理巴拉克和主席阿拉法特一起努力达成协议，解决长达半个世纪以来分裂以色列人和巴勒斯坦人的核心问题。这两位领导人面临重大而令人痛苦的问题，没有原则性妥协就不可能获得成功。两位领导人都感受到了历史的重压，但我相信他们都认识到这是他们可以抓住的历史时刻。和平之路一如既往地是双向的。谢谢。
Camp David broke open the nut that had never been opened before, the final status issues, Jerusalem, statehood, boundaries, security, refugees. Those issues had never been discussed at senior levels between Israelis and Palestinians, and suddenly they were sitting there out there on the table.
小屋卡地琴（Camp David）打破了以往未曾启封的难题，即最终地位问题，包括耶路撒冷、国家地位、边界、安全和难民问题。这些问题在以色列人和巴勒斯坦人之间的高级别讨论中从未有过，而突然间它们被摆放在桌上进行讨论。
They want 11% of the West Bank, which is the same figure I heard on June 25th in the Central House. It was a shock and a big surprise to see the same map in Camp David.
他们想要西岸11%的土地，这个数字和我在6月25日在中央大楼听到的一样。看到在戴维营中也出现了同样的地图，这对我来说是一个震惊和巨大的惊喜。
In Camp David, the leaders is there, President Arafat, Prime Minister Barack, President Clinton is there, and to bring the same maps. Abuela, I didn't like what he saw, but he didn't want to talk about it, and so he got pretty angry, and then President Clinton got quite angry at him. It all came. Listen, this is not the general assembly. I didn't come here to waste my time. Let us be pragmatic. Let us put ideas on the table. Do you accept the concept of border modifications? We do not have to accept the map that Mr. Ben-Amé put on the table. Come with an alternative map. Negotiate. Work on the subject. Don't give speeches.
在戴维营，领导人们都在那里，亚拉法特总统、巴拉克总理、克林顿总统也在，他们带来了相同的地图。阿布拉，我不喜欢他看到的，但他不想谈论它，于是他很生气，然后克林顿总统也对他很生气。一切都发生了。听着，这里不是大会。我来这里不是为了浪费时间。让我们务实一点。让我们把想法摆上桌面。你接受边境调整的概念吗？我们不必接受本·阿默先生提出的地图。拿出另一个备选地图来。进行谈判。努力进行讨论。不要发表演讲。
President Clinton, at that room, he was a mediator, or a facilitator. And therefore, the mediator or the facilitator to show any support to one side against the other is not fair. To break the impasse, Clinton suggests a land swap since Israel wants to keep part of the West Bank for settlers. Arafat accepts border modification in principle, but wants other usable land in exchange. I accept, but to make swap. In the value and in the area. Not only to give me desert.
克林顿总统在那个场合扮演了中介者或促进者的角色。因此，这位中介者或促进者不应对任何一方显示支持，这是不公平的。为了打破僵局，克林顿建议进行土地交换，因为以色列希望保留西岸的一部分用于定居者。阿拉法特原则上接受边界修改，但希望以其他可用土地作为交换条件。我接受了，但要进行平等的交换，包括价值和面积，而不只是把沙漠给我。
Barack said, I'm ready to explore these ideas subject to Arafat's similar acceptance. Prime Minister Barack was a man with great vision, but also a man who played things very close to his vest. We did not know going into Camp David where Barack's bottom line was.
巴拉克说道：“我愿意探索这些想法，前提是阿拉法特也能够类似地接受。”巴拉克总理是一个有着远见的人，但他也是一个对事情保密程度很高的人。我们在进入戴维营时并不知道巴拉克的底线在哪里。
After listening to both sides, Clinton proposes a compromise. Israel would return almost all of the West Bank and Gaza to the Palestinians. They would swap small parcels of land important to each other, and they would agree to share control of Jerusalem. Barack uses Clinton's proposal as a starting point and suggests several changes. Arafat never replies. Barack then refuses to negotiate with him directly.
在听取双方意见后，克林顿提出了一项妥协方案。以色列将几乎全部归还约旦河西岸和加沙地带给巴勒斯坦人。他们将交换彼此重要的小块土地，并同意共同控制耶路撒冷。奥巴马以克林顿的方案为起点，提出了几处改动。阿拉法特从未回应。随后，奥巴马拒绝直接与他进行谈判。
Arafat had asked in front of me three or four times, where is the other guy? One of these dinners he shook hands with Arafat in a very, I would say, bluntly unpolite way. And when we sat at the table, he put his hands over his face, and he took his hands away from his face only to eat. We are talking here about the toughest and more sensitive issues that humankind has ever dealt with. It's not only nationalism, stathood, refurgism, colonization, or settlements as it were. Holiness, sanctity, religion, Islam versus Judaism, and what holiness, Jerusalem, and not only Jerusalem, Temple Mount, is anybody going to change his positions because of personal relations?
我在阿拉法特面前多次听到他问，其他人在哪里？其中一次晚餐，他非常唐突地和阿拉法特握手。当我们坐在桌子旁时，他把手放在脸上，只有在吃东西的时候才放开手。我们在这里讨论的是人类有史以来最棘手和最敏感的问题。这不仅仅涉及民族主义、国家地位、难民问题、殖民主义或定居点。这涉及到神圣、圣洁、宗教、伊斯兰教与犹太教，以及神圣的耶路撒冷，不仅仅是耶路撒冷，还有圣殿山。会有人因为个人关系而改变自己的立场吗？
Nine days into the summit, President Clinton has to leave for a meeting in Okinawa, and Barack, having heard nothing more from Arafat, tells his people to prepare to leave. Delegates on both sides are distraught. They fear that the collapse of the Camp David Talks will lead inevitably to war. Some team members thought we hadn't explored all the options for continuing the dialogue. And that we're about to return to the people of Israel with a negative result, when we can't honestly claim to have tried everything. We are not going to do this, but we are going to do this.
在峰会进行的第九天，克林顿总统不得不离开前往冲绳参加一场会议，而巴拉克则没有再收到阿拉法特的消息，因此告诉自己的人民准备离开。双方代表感到心烦意乱，他们担心戴维营谈判的瓦解将不可避免地导致战争。一些团队成员认为我们还没有探索所有延续对话的选择。我们将会以失败的结果回到以色列人民面前，而事实上，我们不能诚实地声称我们已经尽了一切努力。我们不会这样做，但我们会这样做。
There was a very strong sentiment that we should stay and continue the effort, and the dramatic efforts of Clinton going back and forth between Barack and Arafat around midnight of that evening eventually led to the fact that they reached some kind of understanding that they allowed us to stay in Camp David. By that time, we were all very hungry. So all of us walked down to have a late night dinner. When we got there, the Palestinian team was already there, and those on our side, and those on the Palestinian side, that felt that we should have stayed practically hugged each other. It was a very emotional moment.
有一种非常强烈的情绪认为我们应该留下来继续努力，克林顿在那天午夜左右来回穿梭于奥巴马和阿拉法特之间所做出的戏剧性努力最终导致他们达成某种谅解，允许我们留在戴维营。到那时，我们都非常饥饿。所以我们都下楼吃宵夜。当我们到达时，巴勒斯坦团队已经在那里了，那些在我们这一边和巴勒斯坦那一边认为我们应该留下来的人几乎相互拥抱。那是一个非常情感激动的时刻。
But in Israel, anti-Barak protests boil over, as news from Camp David hits the street. A quarter of a million people gather at Rabin Square in Tel Aviv, the largest right-wing demonstration in the history of Israel. And in the West Bank in Gaza, unrest grows among Palestinians as news spreads that land compromises are being considered.
但在以色列，反对巴拉克的抗议活动愈演愈烈，因为来自戴维营地的消息传遍了街头巷尾。有250,000人聚集在特拉维夫的拉宾广场，这是以色列历史上规模最大的右翼示威活动。而在西岸和加沙地带，巴勒斯坦人民的不安情绪也在增长，因为有消息传出土地妥协正在考虑之中。
When Clinton returns to Camp David, Jerusalem is again put on the table. Immediately there is a problem. Arafat argues that the Jews have no claim at all to the area of the Temple Mount. They had excavated everywhere, and no one single stone from the Temple had been found. Only some stones of Herodot's temple. This is not something that we've invented in light of the negotiations, or put as an argument in front of our friends of the Palestinians. This is a fact.
当克林顿回到戴维营时，耶路撒冷再次成为讨论的焦点。立即出现了一个问题。阿拉法特争辩说犹太人对圣殿山地区没有任何主张。他们已经在每个地方进行过挖掘，但从圣殿中没有找到一块石头。只有一些属于赫罗多士的圣殿的石头。这不是我们在谈判中虚构的，也不是我们拿来对巴勒斯坦人的朋友们进行辩论的。这是一个事实。
A fact? Today. There is no such a thing as a Temple Mount in existence today. There is a mosque. This is the most ancient, holiest place that we have in our history. And we do not reject the Palestinians' management, administration, religious custodianship over the mosques and over the Esplanade. But we do think that our proposal to have a shared sovereignty, to have a spiritual sovereignty, to have sovereignty by God, to have anything that is together. We're dealing with realities. There is no such thing called sovereignty over history. History is in our books, our memories. Okay?
一个事实？今天并不存在一个名为圣殿山的东西。有一个清真寺，这是我们历史上最古老、最神圣的地方。我们不否认巴勒斯坦人对清真寺和广场的管理、行政和宗教监护权。但是我们认为我们的提议是共同主权、精神主权、由上帝赋予的主权、任何共同的东西。我们正在处理现实问题。对历史来说，不存在主权这样的事情。历史在我们的书籍和记忆中。明白了吗？
On the last night of the talks, Clinton offers a new bridging proposal that covers all the issues, including the main stumbling block, East Jerusalem. But Herodot refuses any compromise over the Temple Mount. That last night, Sab Schlomo Benomie, the president and I sat for two and a half hours. And, you know, we tried coming up with every conceivable approach. Sab to his credit was quite honest. I told him this is not going to fly. He said, Sab, I'm not negotiating with you. I'm asking you to carry a message to you earlier, though. And to come back with an answer. And I replied to him in details about what can be done from our side, which will be accepted by the Arab nation and by the Christians and by the Muslims.
在谈判的最后一晚，克林顿提出了一个全面的桥梁方案，涵盖了所有问题，包括主要的障碍东耶路撒冷。但希罗多德斯拒绝在圣殿山问题上做出任何妥协。在那个最后的夜晚，总统和我哈尼都坐下来进行了两个半小时的讨论。你知道，我们试图想出每一种可能的办法。哈尼相当诚实。我告诉他这不会行得通。他说，哈尼，我不是在和你谈判。我是要你转达一条先前的信息，并带回一个答复。我详细回答了他，说明我们可以从我们这一方做些什么，这将被阿拉伯国家、基督教徒和穆斯林所接受。
Arafat said clearly, well, look, do you want to attend my funeral? Yes, he said to Clinton. You want me to be a traitor? Are you serious? The problem with Arafat had come, David. Whatever criticism was I have of Barack. Barack in the end was prepared to confront history and mythology. And you can't ask more of a leader than that. He was. Arafat was prepared to confront neither history nor the mythology, and he created a new mythology by saying that Temple doesn't exist there. It was the only new idea he raised in 15 days at Camp David. Arafat basically, for whatever reason, walked away from what is one of the best deals he could ever have, and it always brings back to mind the Abba Ybond statement is that the Palestinians never lose an opportunity to lose an opportunity.
阿拉法特清楚地说道："好吧，看着办，你想参加我的葬礼吗？"是的，他对克林顿说。你希望我成为叛徒吗？你是认真的吗？阿拉法特出现了问题，大卫。不论我对巴拉克有何批评，巴拉克最终准备面对历史和神话。对一个领导者来说，这是最好的要求。他就是这样。阿拉法特既不准备面对历史，也不准备面对神话，并通过声称神殿在那里不存在创造了一种新的神话。这是他在坎普·戴维营15天里唯一提出的新想法。不论出于何种原因，阿拉法特基本上放弃了他能够达成的最好的交易条件，并且这总会让人想起阿巴·依本德的说法，即巴勒斯坦人从来不错失机会失败的机会。
Arafat sees major problems. He's concerned with limits on sovereignty for the new Palestinian entity. There are some points which can, if you are in my workplace, you will not accept it. I will give you the control of the airspace. What does that mean, if you are. .and also, they are insisting to have big military bases with all armaments in Jordan Valley under their control? What does that mean? And also, the border between us and the Egyptians. Who can accept that? It can followron healthier Combined. However, this squadron member knew enough to Dragon Wolf. HeMoreover Mansoul was a good man by the attacks of Subsyntaahives He is an Alright glitch, and only 24-year girl with, a healthy docker, really with adventure.
阿拉法特看到了一些重大问题。他对新的巴勒斯坦实体的主权限制感到担忧。如果你在我的工作场所，有一些观点你是无法接受的。我会让你控制领空。如果你是谁，这是什么意思...而且，他们坚持要在约旦河谷拥有大型军事基地，并控制其中所有的武器装备。这是什么意思？还有我们与埃及之间的边界。谁能接受那样的条件呢？这样会使合作更加健康。然而，这个分队成员知道与“龙狼”有关的足够信息。此外，曼索尔（Mansoul）是一个病虫害的受害者，他是一个很好的人。他是一个相当健壮的工人，喜欢冒险的24岁女孩。
The city of El Aene, the city of Valomar, the city of Haqul, the city of Liminoa, and Arafat returns to a hero's welcome. In the streets, calls for an uprising. A new Intifada are heavy in the air. The city of Valomar, the city of Valomar, the city of Valomar. Despite the official demise of the talks, Arafat and Barak approve a new series of secret meetings between the negotiators. Today will be our 34th secret meetings. You're the only one who managed to get us. And I believe we. This fragile piece processes the only vehicle to bring about two owners. The Israelis need an end of conflict from us. They need an end of claims from us. They cannot have an agreement without these two elements. These are the two cars in our hands. Since come, David, we are trying to. bridge. Whichever gaps are still existent in the different issues, on the core matters between us.
埃雷城，瓦洛马城，哈库尔城，利米诺亚城和阿拉法特回到了英雄般的欢迎。街头响起要求起义的呼声。空气中弥漫着一股新的起义气息。瓦洛马城，瓦洛马城，瓦洛马城。尽管正式的谈判宣告失败，阿拉法特和巴拉克批准双方谈判代表进行一系列新的秘密会议。今天将是我们第34次秘密会议。你是唯一一个成功地将我们联系在一起的人。我相信我们。这个脆弱的和平进程是实现双方和解的唯一方式。以色列人需要我们结束冲突。他们需要我们停止索赔。没有这两个因素，他们无法达成协议。这是我们手中的两个关键问题。自从大卫来到以后，我们一直在试图拉近我们在不同问题上仍然存在的分歧，关于我们之间的核心问题。
There is a lack of confidence between the two leaders, lack of trust. But I don't think that either of them object to me, Dada. It's really possible.
两位领导之间存在着缺乏信任和信心的问题。但是我不认为他们中的任何一位对我有意见，达达。这是非常有可能的。
At this meeting, they agree that Arafat will visit Barak at the Prime Minister's private residence the next day. It was a meeting on the 25th of September. Barak was there. It was the host. His wife was there another. And comes Arafat with all the Palestinian leadership. And the people who are in the middle of the building, the people who are in the building. All of them there.
在这次会议上，他们同意阿拉法特将于第二天访问巴拉克在总理的私人住所。这是在9月25日的一次会议。巴拉克也在场，他是主人。他的妻子也在场。还有阿拉法特和所有巴勒斯坦领导人一起来了。还有那些在大楼中间的人们，那些在建筑物里的人们。所有人都在那里。
We had the most congenial, friendly meeting between Palestinians in Israel. You can't ever imagine. With Barak and Arafat behaving like two lovers. Barak and Arafat went on a jet and sat together with no note takers. With no one else present except for the two of them. And in the middle of this delightful meeting and delightful dinner, they speak on the telephone with Clinton. And Barak says to Clinton, I'm going to be the partner of this man in a way better than Rabin. They've kind of blessed us as negotiators. You always Allah and make the agreement. Make it possible. Do it and we'll come and sign.
我们在以色列的巴勒斯坦人之间进行了最友善、友好的会议，你无法想象。巴拉克和阿拉法特就像两个恋人一样行为举止亲密。巴拉克和阿拉法特乘坐飞机，坐在一起，没有记录员。除了他们两人之外，没有其他人在场。在这个愉快的会议和美味的晚餐中，他们还与克林顿进行了电话交谈。巴拉克对克林顿说，我将成为这个人的合作伙伴，比拉宾更好。他们给我们作为谈判者带来了祝福。你们永远都是真主，使协议成为可能。实施它，我们会来签署。
At the end of the evening, Arafat makes a request of Barak that Ariel Sharon, the head of Israel's right-wing party, be denied permission to visit the Temple Mount as he'd planned. I told him that this visit will make a big story, not only with us, with all the Muslims all over the world. He didn't listen to me.
在晚上结束时，阿拉法特向巴拉克提出一个请求，要求阿里埃尔·沙龙，以色列右翼党派的领导人，被禁止前往他原本计划好的圣殿山参观。我告诉他，这次访问将引起轰动，不仅仅对我们来说，对全世界所有穆斯林都是如此。但他没有听我的意见。
Barak cannot prevent Sharon's visit to the Temple Mount. He coordinates with the Palestinian Authority who agreed to try to keep peace in the area.
巴拉克无法阻止沙龙去参观圣殿山。他与巴勒斯坦政府进行协调，后者同意努力维持该地区的和平。
I came here with a message of peace. I believe that we can live together with the Palestinians. I came here to the holiest place of the Jewish people in order to see what happens here, and really to have the feeling that how we need to move forward. Mr. Sharon is a provocateur. He and all the people who joined him. He came here in order to build up the area. I landed that morning in Israel from New York.
我带着和平的使命来到这里。我相信我们可以与巴勒斯坦人和平共处。我来到犹太人最神圣的地方，来观察这里发生的事情，真正感受我们需要如何向前迈进。沙龙先生是一个挑衅者，他和所有跟随他的人。他来到这里是为了扩建此地区。当天早上，我从纽约抵达以色列。
The chief of police in Jerusalem, Jairitsake, was hit by a stone in his head, and he was taken to the hospital. His second in command ordered his people to confront the mob. The next day, Friday, the Muslim Day of Prayer, the Al-Aqsa Intifada is born. By day's end, seven protesters are dead and 160 wounded. The first day of the day, the first day of the day, the first day of the day, the second day of the day, the second day of the day. He fell into his hands as a white kind of a foot, becoming a very kind of natural excuse for him. You know that we are now, essentially, the only people who are under occupation? Who can accept this? Our thought has a very hard time seeing himself, actually, as the president of a country, that in his own head he is always the liberation fighter.
耶路撒冷警察局长贾韦斯基尔被一块石头击中头部，并被送往医院。他的副手下令部下面对暴民。随后的周五，也是穆斯林祈祷日，阿克萨起义爆发。当天结束时，有七名示威者死亡，160人受伤。之后几天，情况进一步恶化。他把自己视作一种白色的种族，成为他的一种非常自然的借口。你知道我们现在实际上是唯一处于占领状态的人吗？谁能接受这个事实？我们的思想很难将他自己真正看作一个国家的总统，他在自己的内心深处总是一位解放斗士。
Our thought, for whatever his reasons, has not really taken the steps to condition the people for peace. The riots spread quickly throughout the West Bank and Gaza. This footage of 12-year-old Muhammad al-Dura shocks the world and comes to symbolize the Intifada. The Our people saw these pictures in the TV. So the picture of Muhammad al-Dura directly killed. We decided to demonstrate. riots and engulf the Israeli Arab community as well. The reaction of the Israeli police was unprecedented. They shot 13 of us and killed them. After a week, 50 Palestinians and five Israelis are dead.
无论出于何种原因，我们的想法并没有真正采取措施来为和平造势。暴乱迅速蔓延到西岸和加沙地带。这段12岁的穆罕默德·阿尔杜拉的片段震惊了世界，并成为起义的象征。我们人民在电视上看到了这些画面。于是，穆罕默德·阿尔杜拉的画面直接导致了人民的愤怒。我们决定示威，暴乱也波及了以色列的阿拉伯社区。以色列警方的反应前所未有地严厉。他们射杀了我们中的13人并将他们杀死。一周后，50名巴勒斯坦人和五名以色列人丧生。
October 12, 2000. Two Israeli reservists accidentally stray into Palestinian territory and are arrested by the police. Soon they are lynched by a Palestinian mob. Israel The Palestinian Authority The Israeli Israel blames the Palestinian Authority for the murders. And within hours attack helicopters destroy the police station. Israel also launches massive attacks on other targets in Gaza and the West Bank. What is your response? My response is our people continuing their road to Jerusalem, the capital of our independent Palestinian state. To accept or not to accept, let them go to hell. You said all right.
2000年10月12日，两名以色列预备役军人不小心进入巴勒斯坦领土并被警方逮捕。不久后，他们被一群巴勒斯坦民众袭击致死。以色列指责巴勒斯坦权力机构犯下了这起谋杀案。几小时后，以色列发动攻击直升机摧毁了警察局，并对加沙地带和约旦河西岸的其他目标进行了大规模袭击。你对此有何回应？我的回应是我们人民要继续前往我们独立巴勒斯坦国家的首都耶路撒冷。要接受还是不接受，让他们去见鬼吧。你说得对。
Each new day reaps its crop of victims. Oslo has never seemed more remote. In Israel, Barak's policies are blamed for the rapidly deteriorating situation. A political pressure on a hood Barak mounts. Even among his staunchest supporters, many now distrust Palestinian intentions. On December 9, Barak announces his resignation. This will give him a window of 60 days to try and regain support before standing for re-election. But the violence has made his pro-negotiation stance difficult to defend. His people blame the Palestinians. You've destroyed the peace campaign Israel. That's unfair.
每个新的一天都会收割一批受害者。奥斯陆似乎变得更加遥远。在以色列，巴拉克的政策被指责为局势迅速恶化的原因。对巴拉克施加政治压力的呼声越来越高。即使在他最坚定的支持者中，现在也有许多人对巴勒斯坦人的意图表示不信任。12月9日，巴拉克宣布辞职。这将给他60天的时间来试图重新获得支持，然后再次竞选连任。但是暴力事件使他支持谈判立场变得难以维护。他的人民责怪巴勒斯坦人。你们摧毁了以色列的和平运动。这是不公平的。
Tony Tapart is these four months of violence. It's four months now. Yeah, well, you've been crying for the last month. What do you think you're going to stop it a week after it's started? Two weeks after it's started. One month after it started. Agree? Catch it. Yes, you know. It's a chapter. It's a chapter. Barak now is a new chapter in a Greek tragedy. And you're playing the principle of holding it. Oh, yes. Oh, do we have a sheet list of mistakes? Do you want to do it? No, but that's the main one. Basically, the main one.
托尼·塔帕特这四个月都是暴力的。现在已经过去四个月了。是的，嗯，你已经哭了一个月了。你觉得你会在它开始后一周就停止吗？在它开始后两周？一个月后开始。同意吗？赶紧去做。是的，你知道的。这是一个章节。这是一个章节。巴拉克现在是希腊悲剧的新篇章。而你正在扮演保持它的原则。哦，是的。哦，我们有一张错误清单吗？你想做吗？不，但那就是主要的错误。基本上就是这样。
Likud leader Ariel Sharon, a hard-line former general, is running on a platform of security and is far ahead in the polls. Barak's only hope is to conclude a deal with the Palestinians quickly. Then he might win the election. He still believes the Israeli people want peace. In a desperate attempt to reach agreement before the election, the negotiators meet in the resort town of Tabah. In Tabah, the most important progress is being achieved there. And the negotiation, when you are stuck on the principles, there are no progress. When you accept the principle and move to the details, there are a tangible progress. They move rapidly toward reconciling the differences allowed for in a framework created by President Clinton. We have made substantial progress. Today, we are closer than ever to the possibility of striking a final deal between us and the Palestinians. By late January 2001, they've run out of political time. They'll never be able to conclude an agreement with Clinton now out of office and Barak standing for re-election in two weeks. My heart aches because I know we were so close. I know we needed six more weeks to conclude the drafting of the agreement. The President The President The President The President The President
以色列利库德党领袖阿里埃尔·沙龙是一位强硬的前将军，他在选举中以安全为纲领远远领先。巴拉克唯一的希望是尽快与巴勒斯坦人达成协议。然后他可能赢得选举。他仍然相信以色列人民渴望和平。为了在选举之前达成协议的绝望尝试，谈判代表在度假胜地塔巴会面。在塔巴，最重要的进展正在那里取得。在谈判中，当你困在原则上时，就没有进展。当你接受原则并转向细节时，就会有实质性的进展。他们快速向着克林顿总统制定的框架允许的差异调和迈进。我们取得了实质性的进展。今天，我们比以往任何时候都更接近我们和巴勒斯坦人之间达成最终协议的可能性。到2001年1月底，他们政治上没有时间了。现在，克林顿已经离任，而巴拉克将在两周后竞选连任，他们再也无法与克林顿达成协议了。我的心痛是因为我知道我们离成功如此之近。我知道我们还需要六周时间来起草协议。总统、总统、总统、总统、总统。
On February 6, 2001, Ario Sharon is elected Prime Minister of Israel, defeating Barak in a landslide. Now, two leaders who harbor deep mutual animosity and mistrust will shape the next chapter in the tumultuous history of the Middle East. The political process stops. The old cycle of violence and counter-violence continues. Palestinian suicide bombing becomes an almost daily event, sometimes twice a day. Israeli retaliation leaves hundreds of Palestinians dead. Then on the eve of Passover, a suicide bomber explodes himself just as people sit down for the holiday meal. Thirty are killed, including entire families. On March 29, 2002, Israel launches Operation Defensive Shield. With overwhelming force, Israel reenters Palestinian cities and refugee camps, hunting down terrorists and their infrastructure, often leaving massive destruction in their wake. And in Ramallah, Israeli forces enter Arafat's compound and hold him captive and isolated for 31 days. Sharon had taken the war to Arafat's doorstep. When Israeli forces eventually pull back, the peace process lies in ruins. The dream of Oslo is shattered.
在2001年2月6日，阿里奥·沙龙当选为以色列总理，以压倒性优势击败了巴拉克。现在，两位深怀相互敌意和不信任的领导人将塑造中东动荡历史的下一章。政治进程停滞不前。暴力和反暴力的旧循环继续。巴勒斯坦的自杀爆炸事件几乎成为每日事件，有时每天发生两次。以色列的报复行动导致数百名巴勒斯坦人丧生。随后，在逾越节前夕，一名自杀炸弹袭击者在人们坐下享用节日餐时引爆自己。三十人遇难，包括整个家庭。在2002年3月29日，以色列发起了“保卫之盾”行动。以色列以压倒性的武力重新进入巴勒斯坦城市和难民营，追捕恐怖分子及其基础设施，常常造成大规模破坏。在拉马拉，以色列军队进入阿拉法特的行政中心，并将他囚禁孤立了31天。沙龙将战争带到了阿拉法特的门口。当以色列军队最终撤退时，和平进程已经破裂。奥斯陆的梦想破碎了。
How can we live like this? All the world is opening to each other. The world has become one entity. You are becoming one entity. The cultural barriers are breaking. Everybody is living with everybody. So why don't we become one thing together, one whole thing together? And all these stupid, religious barriers, or national barriers, or all these non-human barriers will disappear. I'm not a political person, you know that. So I'm not saying we don't have a partner. We have a partner. It's a Palestinian people. We have a partner. It's a Palestinian leadership. And let me tell you, I don't know if you know that. I believe that with any one of the members of the Palestinian leadership, six, seven, eight, ten people, there could have been an agreement. Maybe what we lacked is not only time. It is also a fundamental readiness, ripeness of the parties to reconcile themselves with the most vital myth of the other. At the end of the day, I know it's doable. And I know Palestinians and Israelis can make peace. If it's not next year, if it's not in ten years, the day will come. When Palestinians and Israelis will build on what I, my colleagues, and Israelis achieved in the negotiations of permit status. I don't think they will ever reinvent the wheel. And the difference between this moment and until the moment of reaching an agreement. There will be how many names Palestinians and Israelis will be added to the lists of death and agony. At the end of the day, there will be peace.
我们怎么能这样生活呢？全世界都在互相开放。世界已经成为一个整体。你们正在成为一个整体。文化的障碍正在打破。每个人都与每个人一起生活。那么为什么我们不一起成为一个整体呢，成为一个整体呢？所有这些愚蠢的宗教障碍，或者国家障碍，或者所有这些非人类的障碍都将消失。你知道，我不是一个政治人物。所以我不是说我们没有伙伴。我们有一个伙伴。那就是巴勒斯坦人民。我们有一个伙伴。那就是巴勒斯坦领导层。让我告诉你，我不知道你是否知道。我相信，与巴勒斯坦领导层的任何一个成员，六、七、八、十人，都可以达成协议。也许我们所缺少的不仅仅是时间。还有一种基本的准备好，与对方最重要的神话和解。归根结底，我知道这是可行的。我知道巴勒斯坦人和以色列人可以实现和平。如果不是明年，如果不是十年后，终有一天，巴勒斯坦人和以色列人将在我、我的同事和以色列在允许的地位谈判中取得的成果上建立起和平。我不认为他们会重新发明轮子。在达成协议的那一刻之前还有多少巴勒斯坦人和以色列人的名字将被添加到死亡和痛苦的名单上。归根结底，和平将会到来。
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