The Great Depression - Brother, Can You Spare a Dime | 2
发布时间 2019-02-27 08:05:00 来源
Hey, prime members, you can listen to American History Tellers add free on Amazon music. Download the app today.
嘿，Prime会员们，你们可以在亚马逊音乐上无广告地收听《美国历史讲述者》。赶快下载应用程序吧。
Imagine it's July 28, 1932. You're breathing, pecos behind your gas mask. This is your first deployment and you're uneasy. You're not often Europe fighting the Kaiser like your uncle did 15 years ago. You're in Washington, D.C. Smoke obscures most of your vision. But for a second you catch sight of the Capitol dome. A head, a crowd of haggard men gathers inside a half-completed building on Pennsylvania Avenue. They all look tired and hungry. Someone yells down from the building's second floor.
想象一下，现在是1932年7月28日。你正戴着气罐面具，呼吸着背后的皮科斯。这是你第一次出征，心里很不安。你不像你的叔叔15年前那样去欧洲对抗凯撒皇帝。你现在在华盛顿特区，烟雾遮蔽了你的大部分视线。但是你还是看到了国会大厦的圆顶。一群疲惫不堪的男人聚集在宾夕法尼亚大道上一个尚未完工的建筑里。他们都看起来很疲倦、很饥饿。其中有人从二楼大喊。
Put your rifles down or we'll knock them down.
把你们的步枪放下，不然我们会把它们打倒。
A man leans on a crutch at the edge of the building's exposed second floor. One of his legs is amputated at the knee. An American flag stretches from one wall to the other. He begins yelling angrily as he hobbles down some stairs. William Hushka. His name was Hushka. He marched all the way here from St. Louis and from what? To get killed in his own country. When all he did was ask for what was rightfully his. He reaches the bottom of the stairs.
一个男人用拐杖撑在建筑物裸露的二楼边缘。他的一条腿在膝盖处被截断。一面美国国旗从一面墙伸到另一面。他一边跛行下楼梯，一边开始愤怒地喊叫。威廉·胡什卡。他的名字是胡什卡。他从圣路易斯一路行军来到这里，为了什么？只是为了在自己的国家被杀害。当他所做的只是要求他理所应得的东西。他走到楼梯底部。
The commander made it abundantly clear not to fire your gun unless somebody shoots at you first. It was bad enough he said that MacArthur was ordering you to march on the veterans at all. So the army needed to show more discipline than the police had earlier that morning. But it looks like that discipline's already slipping. Two of your fellow soldiers are torching a plywood structure as a man and a woman both sobbing. Carry a small child away. The hobbling man approaches. You grip your rifle tighter.
指挥官非常明确地表示，除非有人先开枪射击你，否则不要开枪。他已经下令马克阿瑟让你去对待老兵了，这已经够糟糕的了。所以，军队需要展现出比早上警察更好的纪律。但看起来这种纪律已经开始松懈。你的两个战友正在放火毁掉一个薄板结构，一个男人和一个女人都在哭泣，带着一个小孩离开。跛行的男人走近了，你紧握着步枪。
Stand back. Stand back.
站远一点。站远一点。如果需要的话，可以改为“退后。退后”。
He glances at your uniform.
他瞥了一眼你的制服。
You're giving me orders private? I was a sergeant. And a sergeant in a real war. I wasn't terrorizing my own people, private.
你在给我下私人命令吗？我曾经是一名中士，参加了真正的战争。我可不像你这样，狂吓自己的同胞。
Something whistles overhead and lands a hundred yards away with a rattle exploding in the plumes of milky gas. The veteran in front of you starts coughing. Gasping people scatter in every direction. And one legged veteran holds a handkerchief of his mouth, coughing, but still intent on you.
有什么东西呼啸着从头顶飞过，落在一百码外，一声巨响中激起了浓烟。你前面的老兵开始咳嗽。喘不过气的人四散奔逃。一个独腿老兵用手绢捂住嘴，咳嗽着，但目光仍然盯着你。
You don't understand, do you? That we're just like you. We're wearing the same uniforms. We're all part of the same country. But that country's now turning on all of us.
你没明白，是吧？我们和你们一样。我们穿着同样的制服。我们都是同一个国家的一部分。但现在这个国家正在对我们所有人产生不利影响。
I'm Wondry, I'm Lindsey Graham, and this is American History Tellers, Our History, Your Story. This is the second episode of our six-part series on the Great Depression.
我是Wondry，我是林赛·格雷厄姆，这是《美国历史讲述者》，讲述我们的历史，您的故事。这是我们六部分系列的第二集，讲述大萧条。
After the stock market crashed in October 1929, an economic decline exploded into the worst financial calamity the world had ever seen. A year after the crash, factories shut down, banks failed, people lost their savings and their jobs. Throughout the country, people moved into Hooverville. In these shanty towns named to mock President Herbert Hoover, unemployed and houseless Americans built homes from scrap metal and discarded building supplies.
1929年10月股市崩盘后，经济衰退迅速恶化，导致全球最严重的财政灾难。崩盘一年后，工厂关门，银行倒闭，人们失去了他们的储蓄和工作。在全国范围内，人们搬进了胡佛城。在这些取名嘲笑赫伯特·胡佛总统的简陋城镇，失业和无家可归的美国人建造房屋，使用废金属和弃置的建筑材料。
It was a tenuous, unhealthy and dirty existence, but it was the only option for thousands of people, and the sight of huge lines, weighing for soup and a loaf of bread, quickly became one of the period's most enduring images.
那是一种不稳定、不健康、又脏乱的生活方式，但对成千上万的人来说，那却是唯一的选择。大排长龙等待领取一份汤和一块面包成为了那个时期最深刻的记忆之一。
Nevertheless, President Hoover repeatedly refused to sign legislation meant to stimulate the economy, or to provide direct financial relief to needy Americans. Instead, he continued to assert that the crisis was temporary, and the government should keep its hands off the economy while business righted the ship. And even as public opinion begins souring toward the President, Hoover didn't adapt his position.
不过，胡佛总统一再拒绝签署旨在刺激经济或为有需要的美国人提供直接财政援助的立法。相反，他继续坚持危机是暂时的，政府应该不干预经济，等企业自行扳回局面。即使公众舆论对总统开始转向，胡佛也没有调整他的立场。
Instead, he lost patience with his critics. In a letter to a Secretary of Commerce in June 1930, the President bemoaned labor coalitions were manipulating public opinion by imposing on a lot of ignorant people. He wanted his administration to push back as forceable as possible, to cite statistics about how his administration had already authorized public buildings, cooperated with state and local governments, and urged utilities, railroads, and other large businesses to help alleviate unemployment.
相反，他对批评者失去了耐心。1930年6月写给一位商务部长的信中，总统哀叹工会联盟正在通过迫使很多无知的人来操纵公众舆论。他希望他的政府能够尽可能地回击，引用数据来说明他的政府已经批准了公共建筑、与州和地方政府合作，并敦促公用事业、铁路和其他大型企业帮助缓解失业问题。
We begged to call attention to the measures taken in this direction last December, Hoover stated, which you are apparently unfamiliar.
我们恳请引起您的注意，胡佛表示，去年12月我们采取了朝这个方向的措施，而您显然不熟悉。我们请求您重新审视这些措施。
It's a chilly afternoon in mid-October 1930. You stand on 54th Street, a few buildings away from the corner of Lexington, where you've been staked out for the past four nights. Breeze blows a few dead leaves past you, and you shiver. You blow on your fingers to warm your hands, and take a deep breath.
1930年10月中旬的一个寒冷的下午。你站在54街上，距离列克星敦角的几幢建筑物不远的地方，你已经在这儿蹲守了过去的四个晚上。微风吹过几片枯叶，你打了个冷颤。你将手指吹气热了热，并深呼吸了一口气。
Two men in dapper clothes turned down 54th Street from Lex. You catch their eye.
两名穿着时尚的男士从莱克斯大街拐进54街。你引起了他们的注意。
Apples, fresh juicy apples, straight from Washington, just a nickel to keep the doctor away.
新鲜多汁的苹果，直接从华盛顿送来，只要五便士就能远离医生。
The men take a long look, but pass without stopping. You realize they're more interested in your figure than the apples. As a young woman who used to work in an office, it's embarrassing enough to stand out here with that sign behind you in big red letters, unemployed, buy apples, five cents each.
这些男士瞪了你很长时间，但没有停下来。你意识到他们更加关注你的身材而不是苹果。作为一个曾在办公室工作过的年轻女士，在这里站着，背后大红字写着失业，买苹果，每个五美分，已经够尴尬的了。因此，你感到很不自在。
You were the first woman in your family to work for herself. You started as a galf-ride in an important office, and were picking up more responsibilities until the crash. But even after the crash, things didn't seem so bad. Work even picked up for a while. Your office was so busy sorting out clients' accounts in those first few months. But then it got quiet. Too quiet. They let you go in August.
你是家族里第一个自己工作的女性。你最初是在一个重要的办公室里做高尔夫球配对工作，一直承担着更多的责任，直到经济崩溃。但即使在崩溃之后，情况也并不那么糟糕。有一段时间，工作甚至更忙碌了。在那几个月里，你的办公室忙着整理客户账户。然而，随后就变得很安静。太安静了。他们在8月份辞退了你。
An older woman approaches from down the street. I'll take one. Great. Have your pick. She opens a small purse and takes out two quarters. It's so brave of you to do this for your family, sweetheart. It's not easy for your husband to know you're out here. You're not married, and you don't have children. But she's got fifty cents in her hand.
一位年长的女士从街角走过来。我要买一个。太好了，你可以选择。她打开一个小手提包，拿出两个二十五分硬币。你这么为了你的家人而这么勇敢，亲爱的。你的丈夫知道你在这里一定不容易。你还没有结婚，也没有孩子。但是她手里有五十分钱。
You smile and offer her two apples. Oh no need dear. You keep the change. You're struck by the woman's generosity. But it's tinge with guilt for not telling her the truth. But that's what it takes to survive, you think. At least for another day. You got to do what you got to do.
你微笑着给她两个苹果。哦，不必了亲爱的。你留下零钱吧。你被这位女士的慷慨深深感动。但同时也感到有点内疚，因为没有告诉她实情。但你想，这就是生存所需的。至少再过一天。你得做你该做的事。
In the fall of 1930, Apple growers in Washington state grew more fruit than they were able to sell. Face with the need to move the produce, Joseph Sikker came up with a solution that would also allow his International Appleshipers Association to get some good press.
1930年秋季，华盛顿州的苹果种植者生产的果实超出了他们的销售需求。约瑟夫·西克尔面临着移动这些农产品的需求，于是提出了一项解决方案，同时也让他的国际苹果运输协会获得了一些好的宣传。
Subsidized by a $10,000 donation from produce interests, Sikker arranged for unemployed people to buy a case of 72 apples for the price of $1.75. Benders would then claim spots on New York street corners where they sell the apples at five cents a piece. A vendor who sold every apple in a carton could net a dollar and eighty-five cents profit. The same is about twenty-eight dollars today.
得益于一笔来自农产品利益集团的1万美元捐款，Sikker安排了失业者以1.75美元的价格购买一箱72个苹果。贝德斯然后会在纽约街角争取一个售卖苹果的点位，每个苹果卖5美分。每个售出整箱苹果的小贩可以获得1.85美元的利润。相当于今天的28美元左右。
Apple selling stirred mixed emotions. Benders were pleased to have the work, but selling on the street was far less dignified than the bank and factory and retail jobs many of the vendors once held. There were thousands of apples that Sikker's company needed to move, and thousands of newly unemployed people took them up on the idea. At first, pushing apples was a successful escape from poverty, but by spring there were simply too many vendors. They couldn't compete in a crowded marketplace.
苹果的销售引起了激烈的情绪反应。卖苹果的人感到高兴有工作，但在街头卖苹果，与他们曾经拥有的银行、工厂和零售工作相比，显得缺乏尊严。 SIKKER公司需要销售数千个苹果，许多新失业的人接受了这个想法。起初，推销苹果是逃离贫困的成功之路，但到了春天，卖家数量太多了，他们无法在一个拥挤的市场中竞争。
Meanwhile, supply diminished, so the association eventually had to raise wholesale prices. Soon, it just didn't make sense to remain an apple vendor at all. While vending was a short-term fix for many, in the long run, resentment among the unemployed was growing. Soon the pain penetrated the cultural zeitgeist.
同时，供应减少了，因此协会最终不得不提高批发价格。很快，成为苹果供应商根本就没有意义。虽然销售是许多人的短期解决方案，但从长远来看，失业者之间的不满情绪正在增加。很快，这种痛苦渗透到了文化时代精神中。
By 1932, the site of beggars asking for spare change was common. That same year, Lee Schubert produced the third iteration of his musical review, Americana.
到了1932年，行乞者找零钱的场景已经变得司空见惯了。同年，李·舒伯特推出了他的音乐评论秀“美洲”。
For the end of the show's first act, writer J.P. McAvoy wrote a satirical piece about bread lines. It climaxed with the song, Brother, Can You Spare A Dine? The song was written by musician J.Gorny and lyricist I.Y. Yip Harberg.
在节目的第一幕结束时，作家J.P. McAvoy写了一篇关于面包排队的讽刺文章。它以歌曲《兄弟，可以借我一顿饭吗？》为高潮。这首歌由音乐家J.Gorny和作词人I.Y. Yip Harberg创作。
The pair, so the story goes, wrote it after a panhandler, asked them the titular question while they walked together through Central Park. Gorny and Harberg had already been tapped to write a song for Americana, but they hadn't figured out the lyrics yet.
据说这对组合在中央公园一起散步时，一个乞丐问了他们这个标题式的问题，然后写下了这首歌。戈尼和哈伯格已经被要求写一首美国音乐的歌曲，但他们还没有想好歌词。
But with Brother Can You Spare A Dine, they not only had a hit lyric, but a stirring lament about the working men who built the country getting tossed aside. The song quickly became a popular anthem. Recordings of it by Bing Crosby and Rudy Valley became huge hits. It was so popular that as President Hoover sought re-election in 1932, his allies had tried to ban radios from playing it.
但是，通过《哥们能借我一毛》这首歌词，他们不仅创造了一首热门歌曲，还表达了对于那些建设国家的工人被抛弃的悲痛之情。这首歌很快成为了一个受欢迎的国歌。由Bing Crosby和Rudy Valley录制的版本成为了巨大的热门。它如此受欢迎，以至于在胡佛总统寻求连任的1932年，他的盟友试图禁止广播播放它。
But the presidential election was still two years away. In the midterm election of November 1930, Democrats picked up 52 seats and a one-vote majority in the House of Representatives. They also picked up eight seats in the Senate, the Republican still controlled that body through Vice President Charles Curtis' ability to break ties.
但是总统选举还有两年时间。在1930年11月的中期选举中，民主党夺得52个席位，并在众议院获得了一票的多数。他们还在参议院获得了8个席位，但由于副总统查尔斯·柯蒂斯有打破平局的能力，共和党仍然控制着那个机构。
Still, it was obvious that Hoover was losing ground. In August of 1930, perhaps with the upcoming election on his mind, he established a new committee to focus on jobs, the President's Emergency Committee for Employment. Two months later, the President announced the committee's members.
然而，显然胡佛正在失去为数不多的支持者。也许是考虑即将到来的选举，1930年8月，他成立了一个新的委员会，重点关注于就业——总统紧急就业委员会。两个月后，总统宣布了该委员会的成员。
Hoover named Colonel Arthur H. Woods as the chair. Born in Boston, Woods attended Harvard, and after college, he briefly worked as a newspaper reporter in New York, and at his father's lumber business in Mexico for a few years. Then, when he returned to New York, Woods maneuvered himself into a job as head detective and deputy commissioner of the police department, where he stayed off and on until 1917.
胡佛任命了阿瑟·伍兹上校担任主席。伍兹出生于波士顿，毕业于哈佛大学，在大学毕业后，他曾短暂在纽约担任记者，并在他父亲在墨西哥经营的木材业务中工作了几年。然后，当他回到纽约时，伍兹曲折地进入了警察局担任高级侦探和副委员长的工作，他一直在那里工作直到1917年。
Once the U.S. entered World War I, Woods left the police department to serve as a military propagandist. Soon afterward, he met Hoover, who was then President Warren G. Harding's Commerce Secretary. In Woods, Hoover found a bureaucrat who was savvy in public relations. Woods was also cozy with big business. He was married to financier JP Morgan's niece. He also was a lieutenant of John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and ran many of his business operations.
美国参加第一次世界大战后，伍兹离开警察局担任军事宣传员。不久之后，他遇见了胡佛，当时是总统沃伦·G·哈定的商务部长。在伍兹身上，胡佛找到了一个精明的公共关系官僚。伍兹也与大企业关系密切。他娶了金融家JP摩根的侄女，也是约翰·D·洛克菲勒的中尉，管理着他的许多业务。
Woods quickly became the point person for everyone who had a scheme to get the country out of its employment mess. When he introduced the particulars of the commission to the country in a full-page piece for the New York Times, he underscored the administration's belief that direct relief, what some called handouts or charity, would be a last resort.
伍兹很快成为所有想要使国家走出就业困境的人的负责人。当他在《纽约时报》的整版作品中介绍委员会的具体情况时，他强调政府认为直接救济，一些人称之为救济金或慈善，将是最后的选择。
The key stress woods had to be cooperation at all levels of society. He wrote, Personally, I have no fears as to that end. We are going to win just as we always have when facing crises such as the one we're now passing through. With the government, the state and local authorities, businesses and industry, the splendid labor organizations, the great relief organizations, all working hand and hand, we cannot lose. It is simply a matter of cooperation by everybody concerned.
"关键压力点在于社会各层次之间的合作。我写道，就我个人而言，我对此并不担心。我们将会取得胜利，就像我们在面对诸如我们现在经历的危机时一样。与政府、州和地方当局、企业和工业、出色的劳工组织、伟大的救济组织齐心协力，我们不可能失败。只是需要所有相关方的合作。"
In December, Hoover also selected a new labor secretary after his previous one was elected to the US Senate, Hoover chose William and Doke, a former railway worker and vice president of the Brotherhood of Railway Training for the position. Together, Woods and Doke would define the administration's policies to fight unemployment on a national level, while local leaders developed their own strategies.
十二月份，胡佛选定了一位新的劳工部长，因为他之前的劳工部长已经被选为美国参议院议员。胡佛选择了一位名叫威廉·多克的人，他以前是一名铁路工人，也是铁路培训协会的副主席。伍兹和多克将共同定义政府的政策，以在全国范围内对抗失业问题，而地方领导者将制定自己的策略。
In Southern California, an ambitious and controversial plan was formed. To get neighbors helping neighbors in a time of need, you would end up tearing thousands of families apart.
在南加州，制定了一个雄心勃勃又备受争议的计划。为了在需要的时候让邻居们互相帮助，你最终将会撕裂数千个家庭。
Hi, it's Jack Hilmer. I'd like to tell you about my new audio drama series, The Lessor Dead, Available Add Free and Exclusively on Wondering Place.
嗨，我是杰克·希尔默。我想和你分享我的新音频剧系列《亡者租户》。它只在 Wondering Place 上提供无广告的独家播放。
I played Joey Peacock, an irreverent, eternally young 19-year-old vampire, lives with his unconventional family below the streets of 1978 New York City. Many driver plays our fearsome leader, Margaret McManus. She and Joey have some history.
我扮演的是乔伊·孔雀，一个不敬的、永远年轻的19岁吸血鬼。他和他的非传统家庭住在1978年的纽约城市地下。马格丽特·麦克曼斯司机饰演我们可怕的领袖。她和乔伊有过一些历史。
You know, Joseph, there's nights I think you might be salvageable, and there's nights I'm convinced you're an Egypt right down to your bones. Can you guess which kind of item I have in now? I have. I don't know if it's your target.
你知道吗，约瑟夫，有些夜晚我认为你可能还可以改过自新，有些夜晚我却坚信你天生心狠手辣。你能猜猜我现在是哪种心情吗？我有一个东西，我不知道它是否是你的目标。
Despite their differences, Margaret has managed to keep Joey and the rest of their group safe for decades, until one night when they find three little kid vampires, and Joey's world is turned upside down forever.
尽管他们之间有差异，玛格丽特多年来一直成功地保护着乔伊和他们的团队，直到有一天晚上他们发现了三个小吸血鬼孩子，而乔伊的世界从此被颠覆了。
You can listen to The Lessor Dead, Add Free, Exclusively on Wondering Plus. Join Wondering Plus in the Wondering App or on Apple Podcasts.
你可以在Wondering Plus上独家无广告收听《The Lesser Dead》。 加入Wondering Plus，可以在Wondering应用程序或苹果播客上收听。
Hey, I'm Mike Corey, the host of Wondaries Against the Odds. In our next season, three friends, backcountry skiing in Alaska, disturb a hibernating bear, and she attacks. The skiers must wait for help to arrive before one of them succumbs to his injuries. Listen to Against the Odds on Amazon Music, or wherever you get your podcasts.
嘿，大家好，我是迈克·科里，是节目《Wondaries Against the Odds》的主持人。在我们接下来的一个季节中，三个朋友在阿拉斯加的野外滑雪时，惊扰了一只冬眠的熊，结果它突然袭击了他们。滑雪者们必须等待救援到来，否则其中一个人将因伤势而不支。欢迎在亚马逊音乐或其他播客平台收听《Against the Odds》。
Imagine it's a sunny February afternoon in 1931. In a crowded plaza on your downtown Los Angeles, known as La Placita. This month, a new employment committee started in the city, and you're here to do your part. You're looking for someone to help you paint your house. It's not a big job, but maybe it'll make a difference to someone.
想象一下，现在是1931年阳光明媚的二月下午。你身处洛杉矶市中心的人群聚集广场——La Placita。这个月，该市成立了一家新的就业委员会，你也在这里尽自己的一份力量。你正在寻找一个人来帮你粉刷房子。虽然这不是一个很大的工作，但或许它会对某个人有所影响。
While you look around, the sound of mariachi music blends with the voices of people arguing about politics. Kids screech and giggle as they run around, vendors tout tempting snacks with enthusiastic yells. But suddenly, the plaza quiets. Men, white men, surround the plaza. Some of them seem to have batons and guns. They're blocking the exits.
当你环顾四周时，马里亚奇音乐的声音与人们争论政治的声音混合在一起。孩子们在四处奔跑时尖叫着笑，并有卖家热情呼喊着诱人的小吃。但突然之间，广场变得安静下来。一些白人男子包围着广场，有些人似乎拿着警棍和枪支。他们堵住了出口。
There are hundreds of people here. All of them are being stopped as they attempt to exit. At least, everyone who looks like you. You see a white family walk right past one of the men, without him even taking a glance. But the next moment, he stopped to Chinese couple. Then you bureau of immigration. Are you a citizen? Yes, yes, sir. Can you prove it? Excuse me? Prove it. Yes, can you prove you're a citizen? I am. I've lived in Los Angeles my entire life. Why should I believe you? You could be lying to me. If you don't have proof, you're just going to need to come to make it.
这里有成百上千的人。他们都在试图离开时被挡住了，至少和你长得差不多的人是这样的。你看到一个白人家庭直接走过一个人，他甚至都没有看一眼。但下一刻，他就拦住了一对中国夫妇。然后你遇到了移民局的人。“你是公民吗？”“是的，先生。”“你能证明吗？”“请问？”“证明你是公民。你能证明吗？”“我是的。我在洛杉矶生活了一辈子。”“我为什么要相信你？你可能在骗我。如果你没有证据，你需要来创造证据。”
You try to argue, but he's having none of it. And you have nothing on you to prove your citizenship. Why would you? Sure, your parents are from Mexico. But they came here before you were born. You were born not just two miles away from the spot where you now stand. This is a mistake. But you don't know how you'll sort it out.
你试图争论，但他不听。而且你没有任何证明自己是公民的东西。为什么需要呢？当然，你的父母是来自墨西哥的。但他们在你出生之前就来到了这里。你出生的地方距离你现在站立的地方只有两英里。这是个错误。但你不知道该如何解决它。
Rage like the one in LA were the brainchild of a man named Charles P. Vizel. Vizel saw an opportunity when Herbert Hoover announced his president's emergency committee on employment. At the beginning of 1931, the city of Los Angeles established the Citizens Committee on Coordination of Unemployment Relief.
洛杉矶这样的愤怒暴动是由一位名叫查尔斯·P·维赞的男子构思的。当赫伯特·胡佛宣布他的总统紧急就业委员会时，维赞看到了这个机会。1931年初，洛杉矶市成立了协调失业救济的公民委员会。
To lead the committee, city leabers tapped Vizel. Vizel took to the work quickly. Announcing the committee to the press, he urged every civic group, charity, business, and home in the city to find work that needed to be done. Whether a minor household repair or the installation of new equipment in a workshop, Vizel stressed it was crucial for local voters to find work their neighbors could do.
城市领导们挑选了维兹尔来领导委员会。维兹尔迅速适应了工作。在向媒体宣布委员会时，他敦促每个市民团体、慈善机构、企业和家庭都找到需要完成的工作。无论是小型家庭维修还是车间安装新设备，维兹尔强调，对于当地选民来说，找到邻居们能够做的工作非常重要。
It wasn't a coincidence that Vizel used the word voters. In fact, he made it clear that Angelinos should give preference to employing the city's residents and to give their first consideration to local people. What Vizel didn't announce is loudly was that shortly after taking his post, he reached out to Colonel Woods in D.C. with a plan to target Los Angeles's significant Mexican immigrant community.
Vizel用“选民”这个词并不是巧合。实际上，他明确表示天使市的居民应该优先雇用本地人，并首先考虑当地人。尽管Vizel没有大声宣布，但很快在上任后，他与华盛顿特区的伍兹上校联系，计划针对洛杉矶的重要的墨西哥移民社区。
It was this plan that led to a series of high-profile raids by immigration agents around Los Angeles in the first half of 1931. In the crackdown in Laplacita, 400 people were stopped and questioned. Only a dozen or so were actually arrested and deported, but the raid accomplished what Vizel told Woods and others he wanted, to make the migrant community fear that raids could happen anywhere at any time.
正是这个计划导致了1931年上半年移民特工在洛杉矶周围进行了一系列备受瞩目的突袭。在Laplacita的严打行动中，有400人被拦下来进行了询问。实际上只有十几个人被逮捕和驱逐出境，但突袭达到了Vizel告诉Woods和其他人的目的，即让移民社区害怕突袭可能随时随地发生。
Targeting immigrants wasn't a new strategy. Early in the economic crisis, President Hoover urged his State Department to cut back on issuing visas to people it thought would later need public assistance. In reality, this kept out most immigrants, including Jewish refugees fleeing the rise of Nazism in Europe, whose assets had been seized by the German government.
瞄准移民并不是一项新的策略。在经济危机初期，胡佛总统敦促他的国务院减少发放签证给那些可能会需要公共援助的人们。事实上，这使大多数移民都被拒之门外，包括逃离纳粹主义在欧洲盛行的犹太难民，他们的财产已被德国政府没收。
This restrictive immigration policy dovetailed with protectionist tariffs on foreign imports the Hoover Champion. But even before Hoover's presidency, anti-immigrant sentiment was growing. This sentiment gained renewed fervor in the wake of the stock market crash, and it was stoked by the new addition to Hoover's administration, Labor Secretary William Doke.
这个限制性移民政策与胡佛的保护主义关税政策相呼应。但是，甚至在胡佛总统任期之前，反移民情绪就日益增长。这种情绪在股市崩盘后又再度升温，受到胡佛政府新成员劳工部长威廉·多克的煽动。
At this time, the Bureau of Immigration was part of the Department of Labor, and so Doke had the final authority on immigration enforcement in the country, and he made no secret of his anti-immigrant position. He believed that any job that employed immigrants should instead be given to unemployed U.S. citizens.
在那个时候，移民局属于劳工部门的一部分，因此多克在全国移民执行方面拥有最终的权威，他毫不掩饰他反移民的立场。他认为，任何雇用移民的工作应该转而给无业的美国公民。
Two days after the Los Angeles Times announced Vizel's appointment as chair of the city's Unemployment Relief Committee, he wired Colonel Woods, the recently appointed head of the president's employment commission, to find out how local law enforcement could help expel immigrants. Vizel knew about Secretary Doke's position, and he told Woods that police and sheriff's deputies might be able to help overburden federal immigration agents based in Los Angeles.
自从洛杉矶时报宣布维泽尔被任命为该市失业救济委员会主席两天后，他就给总统就业委员会的新任负责人伍兹上校发了电报，询问当地的执法部门如何帮助驱逐移民。维泽尔知道多克部长的立场，他告诉伍兹，警察和警长可能能够帮助减轻洛杉矶的联邦移民特工的负担。
Woods told Vizel to contact Doke directly. In a telegram he sent to Labor Secretary, Vizel described how an influx of agents from other cities might scare many thousand alien deportables out of this district. He called it the result desired.
伍兹告诉维泽尔直接联系多克。维泽尔在一封发给劳工部长的电报中描述了来自其他城市的特工大量涌入可能会让数千名被驱逐的外星移民惊恐地逃离这个地区。他称之为所需的结果。
Vizel wasn't interested so much in the numbers of arrests or deportations from the raids. Instead, he wanted to create a climate of fear for immigrants that would make remaining in Los Angeles untenable. To accomplish that, he publicized the anti-immigrant drive through press releases and photos.
Vizel 并不太关心抓捕或遣返行动的数量，而是想要制造一种对移民来说难以忍受的恐惧氛围，以便让他们离开洛杉矶。为了实现这一目标，他通过新闻稿和照片宣传了反移民行动。
In DC, Doke approved the plan and instructed the immigration bureau to send a special investigator back by several agents from other parts of the country to support Vizel's effort. Later that January, newspapers began to carry the news that a deportation drive was coming.
在华盛顿特区，Doke批准了这个计划，并指示移民局派遣一些来自全国其他地区的特别调查员来支持Vizel的努力。随后的那个一月，报纸开始刊载驱逐行动即将到来的消息。
Vizel told the newspapers that the drive would remove an enormous number of illegal aliens. In follow-up stories, he urged illegal immigrants in the U.S. to leave peacefully so the immigration agents on their way to California wouldn't have to deport them. It was largely a theatrical threat, but it was effective.
Vizel告诉报纸，这次行动将取消大量的非法移民。在后续报道中，他敦促美国的非法移民平静地离开，这样那些前往加利福尼亚的移民官就不必驱逐他们了。虽然这主要是一个戏剧性的威胁，但却非常有效。
Soon special repatriation trains began running between Los Angeles and the border cities in Arizona and Texas. The Mexican government even helped offer pay for its citizens to return to the country. However, the mood shifted as newspapers reported that immigrants would be forcibly removed. Rafael de la Colina, Mexico's consul in Los Angeles, reached out to allies at the city's chamber of commerce to find out more about Vizel's plan.
不久之后，特别的遣返火车开始在洛杉矶和亚利桑那州以及德克萨斯州边界城市之间运行。墨西哥政府甚至为其公民回国提供了支付帮助。但是，随着报纸报道移民将被强制移出，情绪发生了转变。墨西哥领事馆负责人拉斐尔·德拉科利纳联络了洛杉矶商会的盟友，以了解维泽尔计划的更多信息。
By April, Colina reported that as many as 10,000 Mexicans were leaving Southern California for Mexico every month. The deportation scheme was meant to target unemployment. But the departure of so many people to Mexico started to adversely impact businesses in LA. Emergency Association reported that businesses that relied on Mexican workers and consumers had lost 20 to 50% of their revenue. Labor shortages on farms also threatened citrus, walnut, and other crop harbests.
四月份，Colina 报告称，每个月有多达 1 万名墨西哥人离开南加州回墨西哥。驱逐计划旨在打击失业问题，但是这么多人离开影响到了洛杉矶的企业。紧急协会报告称，依赖墨西哥工人和消费者的企业营收已经减少了 20 到 50%。农场的劳动力短缺也威胁到了柑橘、核桃和其他作物的收成。
And the government wasn't just forcing immigrants out. They were still keeping them from coming in. By spring 1931, the administration touted that it had blocked more than 100,000 potential immigrants from securing visas. Dope proudly claimed that these efforts were protecting American citizens' struggling to find work, and he articulated his position in a statement to newspapers.
政府不仅把移民逼走，还阻止他们进入。到1931年春季，政府声称已阻止了10万多个潜在移民获得签证。Dope自豪地表示，这些努力是为了保护正在努力寻找工作的美国公民，并在一份声明中向报纸阐述了他的立场。
Some may say to deport these people is inhuman, but my answer is that the government should protect its own citizens against illegal invaders. This I propose to do with every weapon in my power. Law is law, and I intend to enforce it as long as I hold my office.
有些人可能会说驱逐这些人是不人道的，但我的回答是政府应该保护自己的公民不受非法入侵者的侵害。我打算利用我手头的一切武器来做到这一点。法律就是法律，只要我担任职务，我就打算执行它。
Migrants from all over the world were affected. Mexican immigrants drew the most scrutiny, but Chinese laborers, Japanese migrants, and arrested gangsters and criminals with connections to Italy and other European countries were all threatened with deportation. Federal agents started staking out the anjances to churches, dance halls, and shops where they expected to find immigrants.
来自世界各地的移民都受到了影响。墨西哥移民受到了最多的审查，但中国劳工、日本移民以及与意大利和其他欧洲国家有关系的被捕的匪帮分子和罪犯也都面临着被驱逐的威胁。联邦特工开始在他们预计能找到移民的教堂、舞厅和商店附近设卡监视。
They would wait until an event ended, then demand proof from those leaving that they were legally allowed to be in the country. This unprecedented crackdown generated palpable terror. Neighborhoods that were normally lively and boisterous became ghost towns. People fearful of being swept up in raids avoided leaving their homes.
他们会等到事件结束，然后要求那些离开的人证明他们在法律上被允许在这个国家。这种前所未有的打压引发了可感知的恐慌。通常充满生气和喧闹的社区变成了鬼城。害怕被搜捕的人避免离开家门。
But in late April 1931, challenges to the administration's immigration push started to appear. In one high-profile case, Guido Serio, an Italian communist, gave a speech in Pennsylvania, and was arrested on charges of advocating violence in order to be deported. The ACLU took up Serio's case. His lawyer William J. Donovan, a prominent Republican and an assistant attorney general for President Calvin Coolidge, claimed Serio's arrest was unconstitutional and deportation back to Italy, where he faced execution by the fascist government he opposed, was a death sentence.
但是在1931年4月底，对政府移民政策的挑战开始出现。在一个备受关注的案件中，意大利共产党员吉多·塞里奥在宾夕法尼亚州发表了一篇演讲，因被指控鼓吹暴力而被逮捕，以便被驱逐出境。美国公民自由联盟接手了塞里奥的案件。他的律师威廉·J·多诺万是一位著名的共和党人，也是总统卡尔文·柯立芝的助理总检察长，他声称逮捕塞里奥是违宪的，并且将其驱逐回意大利，这将是他所反对的法西斯政府的执行死刑。
During the trial he presented a commitment from the Soviet Union to pay for Serio to be sent there instead of Italy. The judge in the case recommended that solution, but Dauke in D.C. refused, stalling in court for a year before finally relenting and allowing Serio to travel to the Soviet Union. Another case involved Lillian Larsch, a mother of four who had been born in the United States, but when she married a Canadian, as a woman, Larsch lost her citizenship. After her husband William died, she and her youngest daughter, who had been born in the US, were deported.
在审判期间，他提出了苏联的承诺，愿意支付塞里奥被送往苏联而非意大利的费用。该案的法官建议采取这种解决方案，但华盛顿特区的道克拒绝了，一年之后才终于屈服并允许塞里奥前往苏联。另一起案件涉及莉莉安·拉什（Lillian Larsch），她是四个孩子的母亲，出生于美国，但当她嫁给加拿大人后，凭借性别，拉什失去了她的公民身份。在她的丈夫威廉去世后，她和最小的女儿（在美国出生）被驱逐出境。
If Lillian Larsch had been the foreigner and her husband the citizen, this deportation wouldn't have happened. Moreover, these gender-based rules had been revoked before Larsch's case arose, but Dauke's office refused to apply the new rules to her. Larsch's case wasn't unique, but it generated enough public outrage that New York Congressman Samuel Dixstein used it to denounce the Labor Department's deportation mania as lawless and anachronistic. More criticism appeared all summer.
如果莉莲·拉尔希是外国人，她的丈夫是公民，那么这次驱逐不会发生。此外，在拉尔希事件发生之前，这些基于性别的规定已被撤销，但道克的办公室拒绝将新规定应用到她身上。拉尔希的案件并不是唯一的，但它引起了足够的公众愤怒，纽约国会议员塞缪尔·迪克斯坦利用此事谴责劳工部门的非法和过时的驱逐狂热。整个夏季都出现了更多的批评。
Despite Los Angeles, hinted at the coordination between Vizel, Woods, and Dauke, and accried the campaigns precisely timed psychological strokes. But the most notable scrutiny came out of D.C. The Wicker-Sham Commission, set by President Hoover to investigate law enforcement, found that when it came to immigration, there was poor administration and great disregard for the fundamental rights secured by the Constitution to all persons, including even aliens.
尽管洛杉矶暗示Vizel、Woods和Dauke之间的协调，并且准确计时的心理打击非常引人瞩目，但最引人注目的审查出现在华盛顿特区。胡佛总统成立了威克-沙姆委员会来调查执法问题，发现在移民问题上，存在管理不善和对宪法保障的所有人，甚至包括外国人的基本权利的严重漠视。
The Commission's report described federal agents use of coercion and questionable methods, and immigration proceedings that took place outside the normal legal system. In response, the Commission recommended better training of immigration agents and that an open independent board of judges oversee immigration proceedings. But even before the report was made public, Dauke was denouncing his detractors as un-American. He tried to quash the report and continued to defend his immigration and unemployment strategies, even as the economy continued to struggle.
委员会的报告描绘了联邦特工滥用威逼和可疑手段，以及超出正常法律系统范畴的移民诉讼。作为回应，委员会建议加强移民特工培训，并且由一名独立的法官委员会监督移民诉讼。然而，在报告公布之前，道克就声称他的反对者是不爱美国的人。他试图扼杀这份报告，并继续为他的移民和失业战略辩护，尽管经济仍在挣扎。
The Hoover administration continued to focus on perceived threats from foreigners inside and outside the country. But a new challenge came from the American citizens who had given to this country the most. Veterans.
胡佛政府继续关注境内外来自外国的威胁，但是一个新的挑战来自于为这个国家作出最大贡献的美国公民——退伍军人。
The Washington Post Imagine its late April, 1932. It's a typical gloomy and wet spring day in Portland, Oregon, as you and your fellow veteran walled trudge east. You've got nothing to do today, again. You want wanted to see how the boys that couldn't afford a hotel were doing in the gulch. Walking over the Burnside Bridge, you turn north at grand.
想象一下，现在是1932年4月底。你和其他老兵一起走在波特兰的东边，这是个典型的阴雨绵绵的春天。今天你再一次无所事事，想去看看那些没有钱住旅馆的小伙子在谷地里怎么样了。走过伯恩赛德桥，你在大街上向北拐。华盛顿邮报这样描述。
You think you're really going to go through with it, Walt? Marching all the way to Washington, demanding our bonuses? Well, why not? What other choice do we have? Wilman Eye can't feed our kids on packing fruit only half the year, standing in shop windows at Meyer and Frank to demonstrate razors and cigarette rolling machines and whatever else. Inside the government owes us. We won that war for them.
你认为你真的会去完成吗，沃尔特？一路走到华盛顿，要求我们的红利？嗯，为什么不呢？我们还有其他选择吗？威尔曼眼睛不能仅靠半年打包水果来养活我们的孩子，在迈尔和弗兰克的商店橱窗前展示剃须刀和卷烟机等。政府内部欠我们一份。我们为他们赢得了那场战争。
That we did. But I can't do it alone. To win this war, we're going to need to find an army of our own. You reach the edge of Sullivan's gulch and walk a mile or so east of the Willamette River. Beneath you spreads a city of tents. Campfire smoke hangs between the canyon walls. Everything seems splattered with mud, including the faces you see as you approach, telling you both misery and brotherhood.
我们确实这样做了。但是我不能独自完成。为了赢得这场战争，我们需要找到我们自己的军队。你走到了沙利文峡谷的边缘，往威拉米特河东边走了大约一英里。在你下面展开了一座帐篷城市。篝火烟雾在峡谷壁之间飘荡。一切似乎都被泥浆污染，包括你接近时看到的面孔，告诉你痛苦和兄弟情谊。
It reminds you of the argon for a moment. You stop and turn to Walt. Here's your army. One of the darkest moments in the Great Depression began with tremendous hope. It might even have begun with one person's dream. Born in Eastern Oregon and raised in Idaho, Walter W. Waters thought he would be a teacher when he grew up.
它让你想起了氩元素，你停下来转向沃尔特。这就是你的军队。大萧条中最黑暗的时刻之一始于巨大的希望，它甚至可能始于一个人的梦想。沃尔特·W·沃特斯出生于东俄勒冈州，成长于爱达荷州，他曾认为自己长大后会成为一名教师。
Instead, he left school, joined the Idaho National Guard, and served on the U.S. Mexico border, assisting attempts to capture revolutionary Mexican general Pancho Vía, after Vía's incursion to New Mexico. Five weeks after he returned from the border, the U.S. entered the World War. Waters joined the army and shipped to France, where he fought as part of an artillery company. After his discharge, Waters tried a variety of occupations.
他没有继续上学，而是加入了爱达荷州国民警卫队，并在美墨边境服役，协助试图捕捉革命性的墨西哥将军潘乔·维亚，此事发生在维亚越境到新墨西哥州后。他从边境回到后的五周之后，美国参战了。沃特斯加入了军队，并乘船前往法国，在那里作为一名炮兵单位的一部分参加了战斗。退役后，沃特斯尝试了各种职业。
Just he opened a general store, then he started a Chevrolet dealership in Southern Oregon, and the second one in Indiana. There, he met and married Wilma Albertson. In 1928, Walt and Wilma moved to the Pacific Northwest, where they worked as itinerant fruit canners. Eventually, a stable job as supervisor opened up at a cannery in Wenachee, Washington. Waters was successful enough in Wenachee that he and Wilma bought a car and a house. Soon they had two children, that even saved some money.
他只是开了一家杂货店，然后在南俄勒冈开了一家雪佛兰经销店，之后在印第安纳开了第二家。在那里，他遇见并娶了威尔玛·奥尔伯特森。1928年，沃特和威尔玛搬到了太平洋西北地区，在那里做流动果脯罐工。最终，在温纳奇（Wenachee），华盛顿州的一个果脯厂，一个稳定的主管工作机会出现了。沃特在温纳奇很成功，他和威尔玛买了一辆车和一座房子。很快，他们有了两个孩子，甚至还存了一些钱。
But then in December 1930, the cannery closed. To survive, Waters dipped into his nest egg. When that rain out, he pond his watch, then Wilma pond hers. I sold everything we had, and still there was no job. Waters told a newspaper reporter, so there is nothing left but to set up an organized movement to appeal to Uncle Sam for the bonus he owes us.
然后在1930年12月，罐头厂关闭了。为了生存，沃特斯动用了他的储蓄。当那些也用完了，他抵押了他的手表，然后威尔玛抵押了她的手表。我们卖掉了所有的东西，但仍然找不到工作。沃特斯告诉一位报纸记者，所以我们别无选择，只能建立一个有组织的运动，向萨姆大叔申请我们应得的奖金。
Waters moved to Portland. There he found a room at the low-rent Earl Hotel, where he befriended a number of other tenants over games of P-Nuckle. Their conversation frequently turned to the cash bonus veterans had been promised in 1924. Congress had overridden, then President Coolidge's veto, to pass a bill granting veterans up to $1,000, nearly $15,000 in today's terms, for their service in the war. However, the government wouldn't pay the bonus until 1945. It may as well have been an eternity for the veterans, and Waters repeatedly said as much.
沃特斯搬到了波特兰，他在价格便宜的厄尔酒店找到了一个房间，在从事P-Nuckle游戏的过程中，他结交了许多其他租户。他们的谈话经常转向退伍军人在1924年获得的现金奖金。国会推翻了库尔奇总统的否决，通过了一项法案，授予退伍军人高达1000美元的奖金，相当于今天的近15000美元，以表彰他们在战争中的服务。然而，政府直到1945年才会支付这笔奖金。对于退伍军人来说，这可能是一种永恒，沃特斯一再如此说过。
He and other veterans had suffered intense trauma fighting the war. Now they felt like they were simply being discarded by their country. Disabled, and sickened by the machine guns and fetid conditions of the conflict's trench warfare, many returning veterans missed out on the rush of the roaring 20s. For them, employment opportunities were scant, even before the stock market crashed. Wilma eventually came to Portland to join Walter after he found another canary job. But that fizzled also, and the two struggled to make ends meet. Walter began talking about demanding his bonus be paid early.
他和其他退伍军人在战争中经历了剧烈的创伤。现在他们感觉自己只是被国家抛弃了。许多残疾，因机枪和脏乱的壕沟战争引发的疾病而感到不适的退伍军人错过了20年代的繁荣。对于他们来说，就业机会很少，甚至在股票市场崩盘之前也是如此。威尔玛最终来到波特兰加入了沃尔特，沃尔特找到了另一份工作。但那也没有持久，两人挣扎着维持生计。沃尔特开始谈论要求提前支付他的奖金。
And in Washington, D.C., a Texas Congressman named Wright Patman was working on a bill that, if passed, would grant veterans their bonuses early. He first introduced it in 1929, but it didn't make it out of committee. Two years later, he tried again. That time it passed, but President Hoover vetoed it. As Waters faltered in Portland, he wondered whether Congressman Patman could be convinced to try it again.
在华盛顿特区，一位名为怀特·帕特曼的德克萨斯州国会议员正在制定一项法案，如果通过，将会提前发放退伍老兵的福利金。他最初在1929年提出该法案，但它没有被委员会通过。两年后，他再次尝试。这次该法案通过了，但胡佛总统否决了它。当沃特斯在波特兰陷入困境时，他想知道是否可以说服国会议员帕特曼再次尝试。
Waters began speaking to small groups of veterans about the bonus. Many agreed that it should be paid immediately. Their anger was raw, and Waters, a gifted public speaker, was able to stoke it. Why not march on Washington, one of his friends at the Earl Hotel Joke? Instead of dismissing him, though, Waters realized this might be his only option. He started sharing this idea with other veterans he was meeting, and soon he had persuaded nearly 300 people to march with him all the way to the nation's capital.
Waters开始向少数退伍军人的小团体谈论奖金问题。许多人都认为应该立即支付奖金。他们的愤怒很真实，而身为一名天赋异禀的公众演说者，Waters成功地激起了他们的情绪。坐在Earl Hotel的一个朋友开了一个玩笑-为什么不去华盛顿游行呢？然而，Waters 意识到这可能是他唯一的选择。他开始与其他退伍军人分享这个想法，并很快说服了近300人与他一同前往首都。
The group left Portland on May 12th. They called themselves the bonus expeditionary force, or BEF. The name was a play on American expeditionary forces, their deployment during the World War. During American flags, singing songs, bugling and hoisting posters, wearing medals and other decorations, they traveled nearly 300 miles a day, some packed into old cars, other hopped rail box cars, some hitchhiked. Occasionally, sympathetic truck drivers picked them up. Newspaper reporters quickly caught wind of their journey and spread news of the pilgrimage.
这个团队于5月12日离开了波特兰。他们自称为奖励远征军，或BEF。这个名字是对美国远征军在世界大战期间部署的一个玩笑。在美国国旗、唱歌、吹号角和举着海报，佩戴奖章和其他装饰品的陪伴下，他们以近每天近300英里的速度旅行，一些人挤在旧车里，其他人搭乘火车箱车，有些人是搭便车。偶尔，有同情心的卡车司机搭了他们一程。报纸记者很快就得知了他们的旅途，并传播了这次朝圣之旅的消息。
Other veterans started expeditions of their own, causing the march to swell as different contingents met up. Everywhere the march went, support followed. Mothers of soldiers brought cups of coffee, mayors organized food drives and hosted parades, and Indiana, after Baltimore and Ohio railroad officials refused to move trains at the border where the marchers were camped. Governor Harry Leslie ordered the National Guard to send trucks to bring the marchers across his state. And on May 29th, 1932, Memorial Day, or Decoration Day as it was known then, 16 truckloads of marchers arrived in Washington, D.C. What had begun as a few hundred Portlanders had grown into an army of thousands.
其他老兵开始自己的远征，导致队伍不断壮大，不同的分队汇聚在一起。无论游行去到哪里，都有支持跟随。士兵的母亲们带着咖啡杯，市长们组织食品捐赠和举办庆祝活动，印第安纳州的州长Harry Leslie下令国民警卫队派送卡车，把游行者运过州境。1932年5月29日，即当时所称的阵亡将士纪念日或装饰日，有16辆卡车的游行者抵达了华盛顿特区。最初由波特兰出发的几百人已经成长为数以千计的军队。
They arrived in torn, soiled and sometimes ill-fitting uniforms, worn over amputated limbs and emaciated bodies. As they marched down Pennsylvania Avenue, the veterans smiled and waved at onlookers. Waters had gone ahead of the group to smooth their arrival with the local police superintendent, Helen Glasford, and to meet with Congressman Patman. Congressman Tenden Glasford told Waters the army could only stay for 48 hours. After that, they may have to leave. Waters knew what to say and reply. We will camp in Washington until the bonus is paid.
他们穿着撕破、脏乱不堪且有些不合身的制服，某些人身上还有截肢或瘦弱的身体。当他们在宾夕法尼亚大道行进时，老兵们微笑着向路人挥手。沃特斯已经在团队前面，与当地警察局长海伦·格拉斯福德一起协调接待事宜，并会见了国会议员帕特曼。议员腾登·格拉斯福德告诉沃特斯，军队只能停留48小时，之后可能就必须离开。沃特斯知道该说什么和怎么回答。我们会在华盛顿露营，直到加奖金发放为止。
Camp they did. The BEF settled in parks all the way from the capital to the White House along Pennsylvania Avenue. Some occupied vacant buildings. There were so many people that the BEF built a massive sprawling tent city on a flood plane next to the Anacostia River. Dwarfing even the largest Hooverville, the camp was well organized and teaming with activity.
他们扎起了营地。英国远征军在从首都到白宫沿着宾夕法尼亚大道的公园里定居下来。一些人占据了空置的建筑。人们如此之多，英国远征军在安纳科斯蒂亚河旁一片洪水泛滥的平原上建起了一个庞大的帐篷城市。这个营地甚至比最大的胡佛城还要庞大，组织有序，充满了活力。
It was filled with American flags, signs announcing various state regiments and protest placards with slogans like, everyone benefited from the war but those who won it. And I voted for Hoover too, remember November. Waters recognized that his message could be muddled if it wasn't properly managed. If the marchers wanted to convince Congress to take up Patman's bill again, they needed to be disciplined.
这里满是美国国旗、宣传各州队伍的标语和抗议标语，上面写着诸如“每个人都从战争中受益，唯独获胜者不受益。我也投过胡佛的票，记住11月。”的口号。沃特斯意识到，如果信息不得当处理，可能会让人们对他的信息产生混淆。如果游行者们希望说服国会再次考虑帕特曼的议案，他们就需要有纪律性。
So to tame the army, Waters and other leaders of the group established strict rules. No drinking, no panhandling, and crucially, no radicalism. They developed a military-style hierarchy to run the camp, topped by Waters and two other Portlanders, as well as a fourth man from Salt Lake City. They set up a headquarters and a mess, and they established cooking details to make meals for the army in huge cookpots. The Oregon delegation was split into 40 person contingents led by three officers each.
所以，为了驯服军队，沃特斯和其他团体的领导人制定了严格的规定。不能喝酒，不能乞讨，最重要的是不能激进。他们建立了一个军事式的等级制度来管理营地，由沃特斯和其他两位波特兰人以及一位来自盐湖城的第四个人领导。他们建立了指挥部和食堂，并设立烹饪小组来为军队做大锅饭。俄勒冈代表团被分成了每40人为一组，每组由三位军官领导。
Buglers played taps at 11 each night and reveille at six every morning. Military police force enforced the camp's rules. Meanwhile, back in Portland, Wilma Waters grew impatient waiting for her husband. It was clear from newspaper reports, phone calls, and letters that the march wouldn't be over quickly.
每晚11点，喇叭手演奏“哀悼号”，每天早上六点演奏“入梦曲”，军事警察执行营地的规定。与此同时，在波特兰，威尔玛·沃特斯焦急地等待她的丈夫。从报纸报道、电话和信件可以清楚地看出，这次游行不会很快结束。
With her cannery wages and the few bucks she earned by demonstrating cigarette rolling machines in department store windows, Wilma began her own journey. She started out hitchhiking across the United States and quickly discovered that she was far from alone. In addition to still more thousands of veterans crossing the country to join the bonus army, tens of thousands of veterans' wives, mothers, and children also converged on Washington.
威尔玛用自己在罐头工厂的工资以及在百货店橱窗展示卷烟机上赚的几块钱开始了自己的旅程。她开始搭便车穿过美国，很快就发现自己并不孤单。除了还有成千上万的老兵跨越国家加入红利军之外，还有成千上万的老兵妻子、母亲和孩子也涌向华盛顿。
The encampment on the Anacostia grew to 43,000 people. They marched around the Capitol building and crowded its steps. Soon the House of Representatives agreed to take up Patman's Bill, passing it to 111-176. It still needed Senate approval though. After two days of debate with crowds surrounding the Senate, the body rejected Patman's Bill, 62 votes to 18.
在安那科斯蒂亚的营地里聚集了四万三千人。他们绕着国会大厦行进，挤满了它的台阶。不久，众议院同意审议帕特曼法案，并以111-176的投票结果通过了它。虽然仍需要参议院的批准。在围绕参议院的人群中进行了两天的辩论之后，该机构以62票对18票否决了帕特曼法案。
Marchers were stunned, but instead of exploding in rage, they dispersed back to their encampments. Hoover thought the Bill's failure meant the end of the episode. He urged Congress to find the money to buy boss and train tickets to send the marchers back home. Congress did appropriate the money, but few veterans accepted the tickets. Instead, the BEF remained in its encampment. However, discontent grew.
游行者们感到震惊，但他们并没有爆发出愤怒，而是散回到自己的营地。胡佛认为这个法案未获通过意味着这一事件的结束。他敦促国会找到资金购买老板和火车票，将游行者送回家。国会确实拨出了这笔钱，但很少有退伍军人接受这些票。相反，BEF仍然停留在自己的营地。然而，不满情绪不断上升。
It ran low, and people started to get sick, in fighting began, and Waters was voted out and then back into leadership. He became angrier and more dictatorial. He also grew more combative with the police. And all the while, the BEF continued to march on the Capitol. Finally, on the morning of July 28th, Washington police surrounded the marchers with orders to evict them from abandoned buildings on the pretense that the Treasury Department, which owned the buildings, planned to reclaim them.
它的水量开始减少，人们开始生病，内部斗争开始了，沃特斯被选出了领导地位，然后又被排除在外。他变得更加愤怒和专制。他也对警察变得更加好斗。与此同时，BEF继续向国会大厦行进。最终，在7月28日的早晨，华盛顿警察包围了游行者，并下令将他们从被放弃的建筑物中驱逐出去，理由是财政部计划收回这些建筑物。
And the veterans refused to vacate, police tried to forcefully evict them. Word spread among the thousands of veterans camped elsewhere, and soon they came to their fellow marchers' aid. A standoff began. Someone threw a brick, and the situation ignited. Police and veterans fought in the abandoned buildings and streets. The police swung batons, the bonus marchers armed themselves with bits of scrap iron and concrete. Suddenly, six gunshots rang out.
当退伍军人拒绝搬离时，警察试图强行驱逐他们。消息传开后，成千上万的退伍军人在别处踩营，很快就来到了他们的同行的援助下。一场对峙开始了。有人扔了一块砖头，情况就燃起来了。警察和退伍军人在废弃的建筑物和街道上搏斗。警察挥舞着警棍，而奖金游行者则武装了自己，用废铁和混凝土碎片。突然，六声枪响。
William Hushka, a Lithuanian-born veteran who joined the march in St. Louis, was killed instantly. He would later be buried with full honors in Arlington National Cemetery. Another, Eric Carlson, of Oakland, died later of his wounds. Two police officers also reportedly died of injuries suffered in the fighting.
威廉·胡斯卡是一位出生于立陶宛的老兵，他加入了在圣路易斯进行的游行，并立即丧生。他随后将享有阿灵顿国家公墓的全套荣誉葬礼。另一位名叫埃里克·卡尔森的人来自奥克兰，他后来死于伤口。据报道，还有两名警察因战斗中受伤而死亡。
The melee was justification enough for Herbert Hoover to order the military to evict the bonus army from its encampment. He summoned the army chief of staff, a young general Douglas MacArthur, to clear the marchers. MacArthur, who would rise to prominence during World War II, commanded cavalry, tanks, and a thousand foot soldiers wearing gas masks and carrying bayonet-tip rifles. MacArthur's second command was Dwight D. Eisenhower, then a colonel, and leading the cavalry was then major George Patton.
这场争斗足以成为赫伯特·胡佛下令军队驱逐奖金军团营地的理由。他召集了军队总参谋长年轻的道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟将军，以清除游行者。麦克阿瑟将军在二战期间崭露头角，指挥着骑兵、坦克以及戴着毒气面罩、手持刺刀枪的一千名步兵。麦克阿瑟将军的副手是当时的上校德怀特·D·艾森豪威尔，领导骑兵的则是当时的少校乔治·巴顿。
During tear gas and sabers, troops pushed the bonus army veterans out of the encampments, crushing their makeshift houses and setting fire to them as they did. By nightfall, the encampment was incinders, and the bonus army in disarray. Bernard Mayer, a 12-week-old baby, died after inhaling tear gas.
在催泪瓦斯和刀剑的攻击下，军队推走了红利军队的退伍老兵们，摧毁了他们临时搭建的房屋，还点火烧毁了那些房屋。到了傍晚，营地已经变成灰烬，红利军队也四散逃散。默里（Bernard Mayer）是个12周大的婴儿，在吸入催泪瓦斯后死去。
In the weeks that followed, Walter Waters and another Portlander, George Kleinholz, tried to transform the B.E.F. into a political organization, but the bonus army was defeated that night. Waters channeled the pain and resentment of a generation into a peaceful, but angry political movement. Now there was a body count, but the veterans wouldn't be the only victims of the violence in Washington.
接下来的几周里，瓦尔特·沃特斯和另一位来自波特兰的人乔治·克莱恩霍尔兹试图将B.E.F.转变为一个政治组织，但是红利军队在那天晚上失败了。沃特斯将一代人的痛苦和愤怒转化为了一个和平但愤怒的政治运动。现在有人伤亡了，但退伍军人不会是在华盛顿暴力中唯一的受害者。
A torrent of dis-satisfied voters will direct their ire at industrialists, at financiers, and at President Hoover. On the next episode of American History Tellers, as Hoover presides over the worst market crash in history, the 1932 election is the Democrats to lose. A New York governor, distantly related to a past president, sweeps into office promising a seismic shift in the size and scope of the federal government, and a flurry of new government programs begin, putting thousands back to work while reshaping the American political landscape.
一波不满的选民会将他们的怒火指向实业家、金融家和胡佛总统。在下一期的《美国历史讲述者》节目中，胡佛掌管了历史上最严重的股市崩盘，1932年的选举成了民主党的败选。一位远房与过去总统有亲戚关系的纽约州州长，执掌政府，承诺在联邦政府的规模和范围方面进行重大变革，一系列新的政府项目开始，让数千人重新就业，同时重塑了美国政治格局。
From wondering, this is American History Tellers. I hope you enjoyed this episode. If you're listening on a smartphone, tap or swipe over the cover art of this podcast. You'll find the episode notes, including some details you may have missed.
我是American History Tellers，希望你喜欢这一集。如果你在智能手机上听，请轻轻点击或滑动此播客的封面图像。你会找到本集的笔记，包括你可能错过的一些细节。
One of the best ways to show your appreciation is to give us a five-star rating and leave a review. You can also find us and me on Twitter and Facebook. Follow the show at AH Tellers, and I'm at Lindsay A. Graham. And thank you.
想要表达感激之情最好的方式之一就是给我们评个五星然后留下评论。你也可以在 Twitter 和 Facebook 上找到我们和我。关注 AH Tellers 这个节目，我是 Lindsay A. Graham。非常感谢你。
American History Tellers is hosted, edited, and produced by me, Lindsay Graham for airship, sound designed by Derek Barons. This episode is written by Bill Lasher, edited by Dorian Marina, edited and produced by Jenny Lauer Beckman, produced by George Lavender. Our executive producer is Marshall Lui, created by her non-lopes for wondering.
《美国历史讲故事》的主持人、编辑和制作者是我，林赛·格雷厄姆，由德里克·巴伦斯进行音效设计。本集节目的作者是比尔·拉舍，剪辑是多丽安·玛丽娜，后期制作是詹妮·劳尔·贝克曼，由乔治·拉文德制作。我们的执行制片人是马歇尔·刘，由赫尔·农洛佩斯为Wondering所创建。