When you're a journalist and people don't trust you, it's always your fault. These people need to be represented. They are Canadian. They deserve to have a voice and a seat at the table. It is time to go back to the office and the time is now. Russia had reasons to be concerned. They had reasons to be fearful. We're at an absolute turning point in reproduction. This is the problem with realism. They just treat all countries the same.
Hello Monk listeners. Roger Griffiths here, the executive director of the Monk Debates. Welcome to this, our regular Friday Focus podcast on the 14th of July. As we are each and every edition of Friday Focus joined by Janice Grostine, the founding director of the Monk School of Global Affairs, an internationally renowned scholar and author. Janice, great to be in conversation with you. How's your summer going? Is your July living up to expectations? Not yet, Roger. Not yet. I think August is going to be better than July this year. Okay. To explain why to our devoted listeners. I have a cast on my arm, which is getting in the way of my summer leisure activities, but it should come off very soon. Excellent. I'm pushing you a speedy recovery on that. And thank God you're not an avid golfer, Jess. So you don't have to torture yourself looking out over golf legs. You can watch baseball, which you love. That's right. And that's coming back tonight. And we had, by the way, for all our listeners, we did have one great moment. Toronto Blue Jays star won the home run Derby. Now on the international roster of great sports events, the home run Derby is at the very bottom of it even makes it. But we still want to Vladimir Guerrero Jr. is the champion of the home run Derby for at least a year. Right. So I learned something new every day.
Well, let's start, Janice, with a debrief on what happened at NATO, the kind of fallout from the meeting, a series of new seemingly portentous decisions for the Biden administration, the allies related to the future course of this war.
What was your big takeaway from the summit in terms of something we've learned, something new that could give us a sense of the shape of the conflict to come?
You know, we're sitting back for just a minute and looking at the results of that summit. You have to say the Biden administration and many NATO allies are between a rock and a hard place here. And they are looking for an inch to maneuver within a Biden adamant that Ukraine cannot come in to NATO. Let's be blunt. He won't even consider it because he said really clearly, you know, states are going to war with Russia. And we do not want to preside over the outbreak of World War three. Okay.
But then you have to find some formulation and here's where they were dancing on the edge of a pin. Yes, Ukraine, you will be a member of NATO when the conditions are right. When you meet them, when is that? I don't know. Have we been talking about this for 13 years? Yes. Has much changed? No, it left everybody frustrated and out of it came an outpouring of commentary from raiders both in the United States and the ball things.
On the one hand too, he made the only decision that he could make. Now I'm in that second camp, but I'm not blind to how agonizing this is. Most of all free crane, frankly.
Jasmine, explain to people that, you know, qualified for NATO is not simply about how many tanks or airplanes or troops you have. There are a whole series of prerequisites that bit like EU membership around transparency, democratic processes and institutions. And demonstrably, Ukraine struggled on those fronts before the war. They're non-existent right now because there is a war.
And I was just struck by just the extent to which the commentary just thought, well, you know, let's use whatever rules existed, NATO, just chuck them out the window and give Ukraine membership, as you say, to then what have Ukraine invoke Article 5 the next day? Yeah. And require NATO troops to cross the Ukrainian NATO border to then face off against Russia. It's crazy. This chess thumping and frankly, kind of warmongering, not on the part of the traditional hawks that are out there that I would expect from this, you know, in the past, the Donald Rumsfelds of the world. But instead, the people that I once thought were the doves.
People like Michael McFaul, his former monk debater, former ambassador to Russia, Stanford, celebrated Stanford professor of international relations, there's all these people that I just, I feel have done this bizarre flip flop in their whole view of international relations, America's role in the world, the desirability of, you know, an aggressive, you know, stance on the part of the West of vis-a-vis its perceived enemies. It really is striking.
If you, Nicholas Christoph, whom I think most of us would put on the left and the center left, came out with this logic-defying beliefs, spending op-ed in the New York Times as you described, Richard, we just need to admit Ukraine, to NATO. That is the only way we can guarantee Ukraine's security. Nothing else's work. We tried everything else. And here's the one, he didn't make the point, but he showed him.
Here's the one argument I'm sympathetic to, Rudder. We would almost have been better off never discussing this than what we did, frankly. We're in the worst of three worlds. One is in the door. That's the worst. For the reason you just mentioned that, in the door, go to war. Simple. Six worlds. That's what that one means. There's no, not a lot. You have to. Many blanks you have to fill in. Second one, where we are now, which is, okay, you're not coming in until this war is over, because that's really what we're saying. Ooh, says Vladimir Putin, as he sits in the crowd.
What he does not want is Ukraine and NATO. Okay. I get, I get, I get how I get there. I keep this war going forever. And what we did, that's why I'm unhappy. What we did in Vilnius is fix that in his mind and in his calculation. Just keep it going at whatever level you can sustain, because as soon as it ends, keep us in the door.
The third, my far biggest preference would be, don't talk about this, but you can't do that among democratic states. You have to have a conversation. We landed in the worst possible spot, I think, except the first.
Now, one of the fallout it seems from the summit is that as a, as an un-notable alternative, but as a, as some kind of suck or to Ukraine for not being in any way explicit or clear about membership. The Biden administration is back at mulling over the transfer of, we can talk about cluster immunizations because that's now agreed, but they're now mulling over the transfer of longer range missile systems that previously, even just a matter of a few weeks ago, they indicated that they opposed sending on the basis that they, because they're ranges so long, they could be used to attack within Russia or the somewhat untested, you know, flashpoint of this whole conflict really could be Crimea.
And if there were large scale missile strikes deep into Crimea, the Russians may look at Crimea in ways that the rest of the world doesn't, i.e., this is the territory of Mother Russia and we perceive attacks on Crimea as the same as attacks on the motherland. So I want to get your sense of where this is going and Janice, isn't there, I don't know, is it logical to assume that one can steadily escalate again and again and again? And I don't mean escalate in a overt and aggressive way, but escalate in terms of the, the scale and the sophistication and the power of the weapon systems that you're transferring and not at some moment, understand that you're going to get closer and closer and then potentially cross a red line that you may not be aware of what that red line is.
Are we getting closer here, Janice, in your view to a red line? That's been a worry of mine all along with an administration that is a cautious experimenter, with a little bit, which moves a little bit, but you can unknowingly cross a red line and you only find out after you crossed it, right here, that's the problem.
The attackums, ATACAM, the missiles you're describing, Zolensky has wanted these and asked for them in your absolutely right up until now, the Biden administration said, no way. Well, I'll bet you anything, if they're going to say yes now. And again, it's in this context of not being able to meet that demand that Ukraine come in. The NATO so let's do something else that will, in a sense, quiet the clamor. The only mildly comforting story here, right here, is that what Britain and France have already sent Ukraine. Their missiles have a range of about 150 kilometers. These American missiles, 190 kilometers. We're talking about 40 kilometers more. Now it's material in the sense of that, as you rightly say, reach Crimea, but it's not a huge difference.
My senses were reaching the end of the road here now with a strategy by the Biden administration. There's not much more they can provide. And you put your finger on a big one. The cluster munitions, these are bomblets that when you drop them, they explode into multiple clusters. And they're really terrible. We ban them, Canada, because not all of them explode. They're duds. They stay in the field and they injure and main people three years later. And that's why we ban them. Why did the Biden administration agree to that? Because they're out of ammunition, the Ukrainians. And the Western world does not have the industrial capacity, the manufacturing capacity. You're like, kind of the oldest stuff you could talk about to manufacture rounds of ammunition.
The war is eating up ammunition at such an incredible rate that if the Biden administration had not agreed, it was conceivable that the Ukrainian army would run out of ammunition in the next few months. So they were driven to the wall and that. But we're at the end of this. There's nothing more. They've agreed to jet fighters. They're going to agree to the missiles. There's literally nothing more qualitatively that the United States and NATO can do. They can, and how fast can you amp up your manufacturing capacity? You know, right here, that's slow. That's an industrial strategy. And manufacturers want some guarantee that somebody's going to buy that ammunition two or three years from now, not just now. Really tough.
What jazz do you think the red line could be for Russia? We've seen Lavrov recently, the Russian foreign minister expressing the view that the transfer of F-16 fighters to Ukraine, fighters that Lavrov contends. And I think what I've seen from defense analysts, his claim is supported that these fighters are configured in such a way that they have the technical capacity to carry a nuclear weapon, a missile or a bomb. So in effect, they are a delivery system for a nuclear attack that could be carried out using these fighters into and on Russia.
Now it's not as if anyone's transferring a nuclear weapon to Ukraine anytime soon, but now, Delta Russians in a sense have a little bit of a point here, which is that with something like these fighters, you're introducing greater levels of uncertainty into the power relationship and relative balance of forces, not simply between Ukraine and Russia, but between NATO and Russia.
Is that a red line? Is Crimea, would large scale rocket attacks on Crimea be a red line? Where do you think we could be starting to push up against a risk that there would suddenly be a Russian reaction to something, which again, we may not understandably be able to anticipate?
This is a great question, Ruddert. And the honest answer and very few advisors give political leaders an honest answer when they're asked that question. The honest answer is, nobody knows, not even sure the Putin himself knows until he's very close to the situation. Nobody really knows what his red line is and it's a moveable target.
What I can't tell you is what I'm most worried about is we're seeing an increasingly loud morale crisis in the Russian army among the senior generals. It was an incredible speech that General Popov gave after he was fired by the chief of the Russian general, Staff Gorasimov, in which he said these, they traitorously stabbed you in the back from far behind the lines. Now you have to be worried about this when you're never mind-progosion. You have to be worried about this decorated commander that is so well regarded.
The thing that I think would most likely push Putin to do something frankly stupid is if he's worried about morale in the army, if he's worried about the loyalty of commanders, if he wants some big major destruction, which he thinks might unify the commanders. So if you put that together with some new longer-range weapons that might consumely attack Crimea, that to me.
I can't tell you this with confidence. I haven't talked to Putin lately. I'm not close to anybody who's talked to him lately, which is what we really need to do to get a better sense of where the guy is. Lavrov doesn't speak for him, frankly, nobody speaks for him. That's really the problem. He deliberately plays on the uncertainty and the worry that everybody has.
So I can honestly say we're just in uncharted territory here, but I am paying attention to what these Russian generals are saying and doing. That's always scares authoritarian leaders. A number of them are being questioned, or taking a rest. Detained. That being detained. You feel the mess up. So that's pretty remarkable. It's not just the General Armageddon, the Syrian commander who seems to have been aligned with the Pragosian. It seems that there are others that have been caught up in this questioning, which then goes back to what we discussed in the previous show, which is that the Pragosian march on Moscow wasn't just a crazed lone mercenary commander. He knew that he had some tacit and high level support within the broader military, probably around commanders' frustrations with how the war was proceeding and either the lack of strategy, munitions, all the things that generals in the field complain about.
Let's take a break and we'll come back on the other side with our monk donors to have another chapter in the ongoing saga of government of Canada, VS big tech. There are some new interesting developments that for me and what your take on this to Janice suggest, a kind of dystopian world emerging as big tech flexes its AI muscle over national governments. We've got this for you right after the break.
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Welcome back to the Friday Focus podcast, Rudyard Griffiths here, executive director of the Monk Debates. I'm joined by Jaz Rousstein, the founding director of the Monk School of Global Affairs.
Well Janice, let's pick up on our conversation last week where we were discussing the fallout from a piece of legislation in Canada that mirrors attempts somewhat successful in Australia to get big tech, most notably meta and Google to kind of subsidize news and journalism production inside Canada. I'm not going to get into the intricacies of the act except to say that the platforms kind of have rebelled against the legislation in a sense opting out saying, well, we're not going to post any news on our platform so we're not subject to the act. The government kind of walking back, watering down some provisions allowing in kind and other contributions to journalism organizations to be acknowledged at fair value, generally giving a floor on the potential liability of the cost of posting links. So we'll have to see how these negotiations, I think they are negotiations, proceed. But what I want your comment on is something that really struck me as ominous this week.
Google, the trillion dollar plus company has its own chatbot. Some people say superior to chat GPT-4 called Bard. And Bard has been rolled out in 293 countries by as of the time of the recording of the show with the exception of Afghanistan, North Korea, Russia, and guess who? Canada. Don't you love it, Roger? What a great group to be in. And the argument that Google has said is while there's uncertainty around this act, we feel that we can't provide access to Canadians to this chatbot. Janice, let's get your take on this. I have a view. I bet you do, Roger.
So this is a surprise of the kind of lively debate that we had last week. And I got some mail, Roger, from critical listeners who said, well, I don't get where you're coming from at all. Well, where I was coming from is, in fact, the details mattered here. It's not that the companies, in this case, refused to pay new sources, anything for what they repost it. But there was a big argument, as you just said, Roger, about the level and frankly about how they could do this voluntarily rather than be regulated. So the details were everything here. So I felt that I was on really virtuous ground when that government backed down.
Well, when I heard that story about Bard, aptly named after Shakespeare, one might say, which is itself astonishing. I lost the high ground in a minute, frankly, and I see this is the kind to be blunt of blackmail that really powerful actors, whether they're China or they are Google and that's not a good company for Google to be in. They throw their weight around. Yes, there's dispute with a government of Canada about how much and what way Google should compensate news media when they repost Canadian articles. Okay, that is not World War III. Don't respond that way because it's got to get everybody's hackles up when you throw your weight around like that. I just think this is a huge, ungo by Google.
Well, look, no debate from me today on that, Jaz. 100% agree with you. And to me, in this way, like your views, it's ominous in the extent to which it starts to indicate a kind of dystopian future where there are a few very powerful companies that have these moats around them.
And what I mean by a moat is that they have a unique market positioning that allows them to develop AI. What is that moat? It's access to tons of data. So Google has all of our search, all of our, if you're on Google email, it's scanning all your emails all the time. If you're on Google conferencing software, it's listening to your words and your voice, again, all anonymized, but nonetheless, massive data. And then it has years of investment in IP and the acquisition of smaller companies to build out its own AI unit.
And all of this creates technology that is very difficult for anyone else to replicate. And then what are they doing? And I agree, Jaz, such an own goal here. They're saying to a government that they're having, frankly, a minor, it's a minor context of Google's over all avenues and all the other issues they're facing. They're saying, Canada, we are grouping you with North Korea, Russia, I think I don't know, was a ran on that list Afghanistan, Afghanistan, the Taliban. And we are not going to allow you in a sense to have the gains, the benefits of this technology until in the threat is you comply with our demands vis-a-vis legislation.
Maybe it wasn't the best legislation. Maybe it was foolhardy on the part of the government, but it is legislation that came through our democratically elected officials and institutions. And I think this is a scary, scary precedent, Jaz. Yeah. Yeah. It's really, unless we are in agreement on this, right? But it's such a strategic mistake on part of Google. So why would they do it, Jaz? Because you get a sense that this isn't just some Canadian general manager making this decision.
No. This is somebody, Sergey Brin, or somebody at the very high level of this company saying, we are going to make an example of Canada. And we're not only going to fight them, I don't know, through whatever regulatory or other lobbying means, we're going to take this technology that's getting all this attention and it's accrued all this value to Google in the last six months as a share price is rocketed in this AI craze. And we're going to say we're excluding you in sense from the productivity gains that this technology could achieve for you until you comply with what we want in terms of your democratically constituted legislation, bizarre. It really is bizarre, especially by the way surprising because Eric Schmidt, the former CEO who's still very well connected into Google, has a long history with Canada. It's all I'm just astonished they did this.
You know, it does bring to mind. I'm not kidding. It does bring to mind the way China reacted when we at the request of the Department of Justice, the tamed Meng Wanjiu in a tradition hearing the daughter of CEO Huawei, which is founder and she's a chief financial officer. She's certainly a highly visible person of interest in China. There's no question, but we didn't have a lot of degrees of freedom. And then they just they did the stupidest thing you could imagine China, which is they arrested to Canadians to Michael's very arbitrary process, which you can only describe as hostage tanking. It was interesting because just yesterday I was looking at public opinion data about China again. Where's the break?
Where do we get that radical change in Canadian public opinion towards China right after that arrest and arbitrary detention and there's no going back, right? So it has boxed in the Canadian government in terms of the options it can use when Google does something like this and can you wake up and figure out, Oh boy, we're in the same group as North Korea, Russia and Afghanistan and consumers vote with their mouses or their mice, as we say on their computers, right? There's a capacity here for public outrage, which will stiffen the governments back, frankly, in this, but not only in Canada, the Australia is that the European Union looks at this and says, Hey, hey, wait a minute here. They've brought out their attack of missiles or a minor fight. Is this what we're in for?
So it's just, you know, and why again, let's let's just try to put our heads in the mind space of Google. Why would you do this? And because what worries me is you would only do this if you were supremely confident in your ability to in a sense carry through the threat and for the threat to be real and for you to in a sense be be impervious to whatever counter criticisms, which I think are real and urgent that would come from this kind of, as you say, technological kind of hostage taking again, not on the part of some minor company or I don't know, some piece of, you know, cellular phone stuff like with Huawei, this is this is AI.
This is going to be, you know, the cutting edge technologies that allow for not just productivity gains, but you know, the relative power and positioning of corporations, individuals and governments vis-a-vis one another in Google's in a sense dropping the gauntlet here and saying, we're going to arbitrate this. We're going to control this. We're going to decide who the winners and losers are in the brave new world of AI. And I don't think you do that just as a one off on a Friday afternoon. I think you thought this through and you want to pursue that position of dominance with not only within the technology, but in terms of the application of the technology and your ability to choose favorites and punish your opponents and wield this as a stick, as just raw power to pursue your interests.
Here's what I know, Rudyard, from looking at a lot of really dumb decisions that leaders make both in government and in the private sector. We tend to think they're well thought out, often they're not. They make ill considered decisions. They don't have a red team that says that's around, that feels comfortable. Hey, wait a minute here. What do you do? What have you thought this through? This is not uncommon that very big governments or big companies just make decisions. When you look at them afterwards, oh my, where was their head? What were they thinking about? There's a great saying in my business, which is if you have to choose between stupidity and conspiracy, choose stupidity, you're going to be right 99% of the time. I'm going to describe this as a stupid decision by Google. They're going to have to walk it back, but they're going to pay a price for this because you're not the only one that sat up and took notice and said, who's this gorilla in the room now willing to throw its weight around like this? This is outrageous.
Janice, let's talk about how do we address this. I would think the Prime Minister should be on the phone to the Biden administration, to European allies and say, look guys, especially the Biden administration, which could exert some persuasion forced on Google saying, you may have done this for whatever set of reasons, mistaken or otherwise. I may be a little more sinister and conspiratorial than you are, Janice. But regardless, the point is that, as you mentioned in the last podcast, we need allies here. If I was another government in Europe, or even if I was a Biden administration, I would think this is somewhere where I've got to start to lean in because nation states have got to get on top of this.
As I say, the mode is so big around these companies in terms of the exclusive nature of their development and utilization of this technology that barring something short of nationalization, maybe that's ultimately where we have to go with AI to protect the sovereignty of nation states. Nation states are allowed to have nuclear weapons. We don't let corporations have nuclear weapons. If you believe that AI is as powerful in different ways as the development of the Manhattan Project and everything that flew from that, then I would say at the end of the day, we're going to have to get to nationalization.
Well, it's pretty hard. First of all, I think governments, as I said, are going to sit up and take notice, just as I did on China. When China bullied, that was kind of the lit match into the haystack. The Europeans came on board and the Australians were already on board and you got a coalition of the willing because people got the following message, Richard. You're not going to cherry pick. You're not going to knock us off one by one with bowling pins. And the only way to do this is through a coalition. And that's frankly what happened. And I think that's where Google has put itself now. And the European Union is already there. It's got the toughest regulatory regime. And it's fine Google billions of dollars. It's not a hard call for the prime minister to make, to Ursula, and one laden, frankly, and others. This is on their agenda anyway. And I'm sure that that's being done. But it is, boy, it is. It's a sobering moment.
Listen, Richard, you had a great debate on AI. Recently, the month debate was just terrific. Maybe we can put in the show notes a really sobering kind of article this morning that was by David Brooks, who's also been on the month dialogues, kind of critical, not just similar to yours, about AI and how he is waking up now, or just ragged, we worry about what it means to be human in this world of AI that is racing ahead. It's a great personal piece. I thought it's in today's New York Times. Just layer onto that that we've invented technology here that is unprecedentedly powerful and it's controlled by three or four big companies. And the reason it's controlled, let's explain why, is it takes so much compute power, which costs unimaginable amounts of money to build. So everybody else, but the giants builds on top of what the giants have already built. That's the world we're in now.
Well, I think you mentioned last show. We got to start with antitrust. We did it with standard oil, a century before we go. With railways, we've got to start breaking these companies up. They are stifling competition. They snap up their competitors. And frankly, not Google, but a lot of them really botched, frankly, the rollout of social media and its impacts. And probably continue to allow a tragedy of the commons to unfold in ways that I think we don't accept from other polluters where we have polluter pays type legislation. So we haven't even started on those things. I'd like to see those steps, but I think we really need to push back. And I'm going to do that this week. There are other great browser providers like DuckDuckGo, Safari, Firefox. I'm getting off Google for the foreseeable future until they walk down. This is outrageous. They have grouped Canada, as you said, with Afghanistan, Russia, and North Korea to punish our. The global Rodriguez.
The giant threat, the existential threat that Pablo Rodriguez represents to this trillion dollar plus corporation. This is unacceptable. We would be outraged if this was big oil. We would be outraged if any other company did this. It's time that all of us drop the veil from our eyes about these tech companies as somehow being benign actors that are just simply there to fulfill your needs, desires, and expectations vis-a-vis your digital life. They are not. They are, in this case, a bully and behaving in ways that I think are just deeply, deeply disturbing when you have these monopoly positions, not only on search, but increasingly on these transformative technologies like AI. It's unacceptable. I hope our governments act in unison with each other. We can all act individually as consumers and citizens to boycott Google, get off its products, and if it cleans up its act, I'm back. If it doesn't, goodbye, Sir Jabron. They're slogan. They're ridiculous. Greenwashing corporate slogan is, do no evil. Do no harm. Do no evil. I think it's do no evil. Come on, guys. This is evil. This is sinister, sinister stuff.
I have a little to add to that, Rudyard. We'll see where all this next week. This is going to be a fast-moving story. It's a big one. Okay. Thanks for a great show, Jess. Have a great week. Yeah, you too. Bye-bye. Bye-bye. Bye-bye now.
Thank you for listening to this edition of the Friday Focus podcast. I'm Rudyard Griffiths, the chair of the Monk Debates who's joined on this program as I am each week by Janice Grostine, the founding director of the Monk School of Global Affairs. Janice and I would love your reactions to what you heard on the program today. Also, your suggestions and ideas about future topics that we should cover on Friday Focus. Please send us your suggestions now to podcast at monkdebates.com. That's M-U-N-K debateswithands.com. This podcast is produced by Aiden Moskovich and generously underwritten by the Peter and Melanie Monk Charitable Foundation. Please visit our website, www.munkdebates.com to access hundreds of podcasts, dialogues, and debates on all the big issues and ideas shaping our world. Again, you can do that right now at www.munkdebates.com. While you're there, consider if you're not already becoming a free Monk Debates member. You get all kinds of great benefits and perks as a complimentary Monk member. You can grab yours right now at www.munkdebates.com. Thanks for listening to this program. We'll do it all again soon. Bye-bye.