I was in a fight, one of the big ones was a little bit of a fight.
我曾经打过架,其中一场是比较激烈的。
This is Misha Demchenko. He's seven years old and fled Ukraine with his mom. When post reporters met him at a Polish train station, they asked him to draw a picture of his experience of the war. He drew two tanks, one with a Russian flag and one with a Ukrainian flag.
Over the last year, the Russian invasion transformed the lives of Ukrainians in ways no one could have imagined. According to the United Nations, the war has forced one-third of Ukrainians out of their homes. And nearly 8 million Ukrainian refugees have sought shelter elsewhere in Europe. Thousands of Ukrainian civilians have been killed. But despite unimaginable losses, Ukraine remains united in fighting Russian invaders.
There are people who have gone out in the street to protest under occupation. There are ordinary people who never picked up a gun in their life, who went and decided to serve in the military. On those first days, everybody here is involved in some sort of volunteering. Even in Kiev, if you go to a rave or something like this, all of the proceeds at the door will typically be donated to some military unit or another.
Isabel Kurshudian is the Ukraine bureau chief for the post. She was in Kiev when Russia invaded last February and has been reporting on the war ever since.
There is an incredible resistance and a resilience that I think has become part of the national identity where it's just determination of, I'm not going to let them break me. But Isabel says Russian President Vladimir Putin remains determined too. Estimates of Russian casualties on the battlefield are as high as 200,000. And despite those losses, he has shown no sign of backing down. Putin has already spent too much, it's cost him too much to settle now. His bargain at this moment is that he can outlast the West.
From the newsroom of the Washington Post, this is Post Reports. I'm Kim Belware. It's Friday, February 24th, exactly one year since Russia invaded Ukraine. Today I talk with Isabel about what the last year has been like for Ukrainians, where the frontline is now, and what the future might look like and what's becoming a grinding war of attrition.
Isabel, can you remind us, was Russia's invasion of Ukraine a total surprise?
Isabel,你能提醒我们一下,俄罗斯入侵乌克兰是完全的意外吗?
It wasn't, at least, not for people who had been paying attention to the news around that time last year. The US and other Western intelligence agencies were warning that an invasion was going to be imminent. There was a lot of talk about it for months. Who it was a surprise for, however, was the Ukrainian people who were kind of reassured by their own government that everything is fine. This is not an unusual amount of military forces built up around the border. I think that day was a surprise for just regular people in the country who woke up at 5 a.m. to the sound of explosions.
Isabel, this is not the first time that Putin has invaded Ukraine. Can you remind us of the history there?
伊莎贝尔,普京入侵乌克兰并不是第一次了。你能否帮我们回顾一下那里的历史?
Sure. In 2014, Putin invaded Crimea and then moved to illegally annex it. Since then, the Crimean Peninsula, which was this pearl that Ukrainians were really proud of, there was great wineries. It was on the Black Sea and also the Isav, the Sea of Azav. It's really been under de facto Russian control where Russia definitely considers it part of its country. I think that contributed to this attitude of, oh, Russia always does this. Russia always is in this kind of threatening posture. We've been at war for eight years. Why are you telling us that there's going to be a war when we already are in the middle of one?
With these growing tensions, what was President Putin's rationale for finally invading Ukraine last February?
由于局势不断升级,普京总统最终在去年二月入侵乌克兰的动机是什么呢?
Well, the way he ultimately described it, what do you call the special military operation. At first, it was this threat that Ukraine was growing closer to the West. It was potentially going to join NATO, NATO enlargement and NATO getting up to the borders with Russia. It was a threat to Russian security. Then the narrative sort of became that the Ukrainians were committing genocide against Russian speakers in the Donbass, which is the Eastern Ukraine, the Netskin-Lugansk regions. It was that Ukraine had become a Nazi state and was basically a threat to Russia.
Putin has always kind of lamented the loss of the Soviet Union. That's a theme that comes up often in his speeches. I've already said that the Russian Soviet Union was a huge geopolitical catastrophe. He's even kind of denied that Ukraine is a real state, that he said that it's something that was created by Lenin. For him, the collapse of the Soviet Union is an incredible tragedy, whereas for other countries, it's the beginning of their independence. Putin has always had an obsession with Ukraine. It really, I guess for him, goes back to 2014 when Ukraine made a choice that it didn't want to be that close to Russia. I wanted to be closer to the EU and ousted the Russian-backed president at the time. Since then, Ukraine has really been moving more towards its own sovereign identity with Ukrainian language and other things, and growing away from Russia. I think this was just sort of the culmination of a lot of things that have been going on for years and years.
Can you give us a brief overview of the war this past year? Where have we seen the bulk of the fighting? Well, it's been in phases. The beginning, it was kind of everywhere to a degree. The main kind of focus point was the capital, Kiev, where Russia sent its best forces, where the goal was to capture the capital as quickly as possible. And if you do that, then you basically have the entire country. They got close. They got to the edges of the capital, but they couldn't really move into the actual city limits of Kiev, before they got kind of stuck in a slog with Ukrainian forces, who were able to defend much better than really any analysts had predicted.
But at the same time, there was still fighting going on in the east and in the south, where Russia was quickly able to take cities like Horsan, and then also Maryupal. So after the retreat around Kiev in early April, where Russia just realized it couldn't get to the capital, it wasn't going to happen. They pulled those forces back and really the main concentration became east and south, but mostly east, and I think that persists today.
So how effective has Russia's campaign been? You know, it's a matter of perspective. If you look at what the original goals were, which was, you know, forcing the current government, the Zelensky presidency to capitulate and taking the capital and taking over the whole country, not successful, because obviously that did not happen, and it's not realistic to think that could happen from this point on. However, 20% of the country still remains occupied by Russian forces.
Yeah, so it sounds like in the aggregate, based on where Russia wanted to be or thought it would be, they have a lot less than they might have expected a year ago. Yeah, I think that's definitely true, and they never expected to be fighting a year in. I think that's the main thing is that this has turned into a battle of attrition, or, you know, this really long and sometimes evenly matched fight. And that's certainly not what Russia thought it would be. I mean, they thought they could take Kiev within a couple days.
And what about Ukraine's armed forces? What has their strategy been and how has it evolved over the last year? Ukraine's armed forces have certainly been smart strategically, but they've also really, really benefited from Western support and, you know, modern weaponry that Western allies have provided them. And that's been an evolution as well. You know, in the beginning, they didn't have a lot of these, you know, really powerful offensive weapons, such as, you know, artillery, howards, serves and things of that sort.
And they started to get some of that stuff over the summer. And that's when the strategy came from, let's just hold on and defend, which is something Ukraine's forces did know how to do. They'd been doing that for eight years against Russian proxies in eastern Ukraine. They had to adjust to learn how to go on the offensive. And we saw that in the fall where even though this is, as, you know, Zelensky recently called it a David versus a Goliath, you know, just through exploiting maybe some strategic weaknesses or a vast front where Russia can't have that many people everywhere trying to hit weak points.
They were able to, you know, first have a very successful counter offensive in the Northeast, Harc of region and take back alive territory there. And then, you know, sort of chip away in the southern hersane region a couple months after that and take back, you know, a significant city and, you know, liberate that..
So, you know, for them, it was getting more of these longer range, you know, rocket systems, something like a high Mars, which is US provided that's really been a difference for them and then learning how to kind of correctly use that to exploit Russia's weaknesses.
And what kind of support has Ukraine received from other countries, from their neighbors, from the US just around the world, what's that looks like?
乌克兰从其他国家、邻国和全球各地,特别是美国那里,得到了什么样的支持?这个情况怎么样呢?
I think the European burden in this, if you want to call it that, is really taking in the refugees. A lot of people, especially earlier on in the war, did leave the country. Governments and volunteers still struggle to find shelter for the nearly 2.6 million, mostly women and children, who have fled since Russia's invasion two weeks ago.
Most have arrived at border points in Poland, Slovakia, Romania and Hungary, according to data compiled by the UN Refugee Agency, putting pressure on the EU countries trying to shelter them. And so places like Poland, especially since it's on the border, took in a lot of refugees and welcomed a lot of Ukrainian families.
More on the US side, its security assistance, weapon support. European countries have done that as well, but it's a mix of things. Sometimes there's financial support because Ukrainian economy is naturally kind of in tatters when many businesses can't work or you have no planes flying in or things of that sort. And so you need kind of the financial boost as well, but obviously the thing that Ukrainians always say they want the most is more weapons.
Another way that countries have supported Ukraine and continue to do so is rounds and rounds of sanctions. You've also seen a lot of businesses such as McDonald's and designer brands leave Russia entirely. Apple Pay doesn't work in Russia and that's pretty much how everybody would pay anything there. I know from experience, you know, Visa, things like this, they've all left the country. So you see a really isolated state because of that.
I want to turn now to the leaders of the two countries, Ukrainian president, Valorant Zelensky, he became this overnight hero worldwide after the initial Russian invasion. What has made him such an effective wartime leader and have you seen any changes in his leadership style over this past year?
Hello. Good morning, Mr. Galaborovka. Can I connect you with Angela Merkel? Yes, you can connect.
你好,加拉博罗夫卡先生。早上好。我可以帮您接通安格拉·默克尔吗?是的,你可以连接。
And he actually played a president in a popular TV show.
他实际上在一部流行的电视剧中扮演了一位总统。
I'm so happy. Yes. Oh, thank you very much, all the Ukrainians and all of our country. We've been waiting for this so much time.
我太高兴了。是的。哦,非常感谢所有的乌克兰人和我们国家的所有人。我们已经等待这么长时间了。
And while that does not seem like great credentials for a wartime leader, it's actually, I think what's made him incredibly effective in this role is his ability to communicate. And most importantly, communicate with Western allies and partners. And that's also effective with his own people, right?
People, especially in the beginning, but still true now are scared. They need someone to talk to them, to tell them it's going to be okay to motivate them, to inspire them.
Where I think it's interesting to see how he's changed is you see someone who's really hardened, especially when he first guy elected, there was this, you know, we're going to resolve the Donbass conflict, you know, this eight year war with Russian proxies and the Netskin Lugansk.
And he wanted to meet with Putin and talk to Putin directly and find a way to negotiate. I think now you see someone who's much more hard line because of everything that's happened. And, you know, we're not going to negotiate. You see kind of the maximalist position, rather than someone who at some point was willing to compromise.
Yeah, and symbolically he's just very striking, you know, he's always he's always wearing, you know, kind of military sweats or fatigues. It looks like and what are his tactics for speaking to his people and keeping up morale. How has he presented that message?
Yeah, the way he dresses is definitely, you know, one aspect of it. He looks like someone who's on war footing all of the time. And I think he's trying to portray that everyone in the crane should be on war footing all of the time. And he hasn't shaved or at least he's always keeping the beard. I'm sure he terms it. It's the same, right.
This sort of rugged look because this is a country of war. It's not a country where, you know, the president should be in like a nice suit. So it's kind of imposing that kind of mood on people so that I think there is a concern amongst Ukrainian government and also the military that people will relax.
That people who live in Kiev who for the most part have like, you know, a normal life.. You can go to a restaurant, you can order a nice class of wine. You don't want people to relax and forget there's a war going on because it's important to keep up this will and resilience and desire to kind of win. And so he has these, you know, nightly messages that he posts on his telegram channel. His communication is incredibly direct to the people, right. Social media, things of that sort. And also the way he presents himself.
What about in Russia? What effect has this war had on Putin's popularity and strength at home? You know, at first, there were protests. There was opposition. But I think his time has gone on and many of the people who were staunchly opposed to the war left the country. You know, Putin's doing just fine. I don't think he's in any danger of someone unseating him or overthrowing him or anything like that.
After the break, I ask Isabel about how both Russian and Ukrainian civilians feel about the war now. We'll be right back.
休息过后,我将询问Isabel,俄罗斯和乌克兰平民现在如何感受战争。我们马上回来。
Isabel, where is the fighting taking place now? Where are the front lines and what kind of progress is being made on either side? The front lines now are in the east and the south. You know, I would say the heaviest fighting is taking place around this city called Bachmuth in the Natsk region. That is kind of Russia's main focus of attack where they've devoted a lot of forces and also lost a lot of forces trying to take it for many, many months over six months. And I haven't succeeded to this point. It's still in Ukrainian hands. For Ukraine, it's become this symbol. People here call it a fortress. And it's sort of become symbolic of Ukraine's ability to resist and defend itself.
Can you give us a sense of how Ukrainian civilians are feeling the impact of the war a year on? I think Ukrainian civilians feel the impact of the war every single day. I mean, most people here have lost someone or no people who are fighting and worry about them or maybe their power shuts off, you know, for several hours a day. If you live on the 14th floor of a high rise, you might have to walk the stairs. You know, maybe you lost your job because, you know, there's just not as many people, not as much work, not all businesses, you know, have reopened.
You know, many people had to leave their homes because, you know, their kind of hometowns came under occupation. They didn't stay. Some people still have family under occupation and, you know, have troubles kind of even reaching them. So I think it's in one way or another touched every single person. People are definitely tired. And there are moments that people have pessimism, especially this winter has been a hard one where you haven't seen a lot of Ukrainian victories on the front line. You've seen some small Russian gains and really a line that hasn't moved very much and doubts start to creep in.
But any sort of peace deal that Zelensky could possibly sign right now that wouldn't return Ukraine's territorial boundaries would be incredibly unpopular because people are that sure that that's what they should get. A lot of lives have been sacrificed. A lot of war crimes have been committed. People are really angry at, you know, what Russia has done to them. That, you know, the thought here is if we don't completely end this now, if we don't take this all the way to the end, Putin will just do this again to us in a couple years. And the army will be stronger than, you know, they'll have time to kind of regroup. I think people see this as like, let's finish it and know half measures because then it'll just happen all over again.
What do we know about where Russian civilians are on this? What's their opinion of the war at this point? Most Russian civilians support the war. And, you know, that's a product of Russian propaganda and messaging. And I think it's also human nature to have a hard time believing that you're the bad guy that you're the villain. There is an incredible lockdown on any information there, right?
In Russia, the atrocities that were committed in Bucha, where civilians were brutally tortured and killed by Russian soldiers, I mean, that was presented as, you know, fake news. And not real. And normal Russians, I mean, you would have to work really hard to find independent news, even social media sites like Twitter and Instagram are banned there. Now some people can still access them. And they do, but most people in that humongous country get their news from state television. That is going to tell them anything that the Kremlin wants it to tell them.
And then, you know, there's a huge part of the population that's just kind of apathetic. And this is the thing that has really kept Putin in power.
然后,你知道,有一个巨大的人口群体,他们有点冷漠。这正是让普京掌权的原因。
You have this group of people, the majority of people who don't believe their government really has anything to do with them. And as odd as that sounds, it's, you know, well, Putin, the government, they're going to do whatever they're going to do. And like, what does it have to do with me?
And, you know, I think it's this apathy of, well, I can't do anything about it. It has really led to kind of a complacency where people don't believe they can overthrow their government. There's obviously quite a lot of repression there if you try, but they've never had the kind of numbers to be able to do that sort of thing. Because most people just don't see it as possible. And don't think that they have an agency in who their government is.
But what's the ripple effect of the war been like on a broader level? What's the global impact been? The global impact is, I mean, enormous. It's the largest land war in Europe since the second world war. You have a flow of refugees. You've got inflation everywhere. Because Ukraine is an enormous green provider. You have hunger taking place in Africa where a live Ukrainian green would typically go. I mean, the ripple effects are tremendous.
You've got NATO enlargement potentially on the horizon, which was the one thing Russia supposedly didn't want. But Finland and Sweden might join NATO now. So, you know, I think it's a historic moment, unfortunately, in mostly negative ways.
Yeah. Well, I also wanted to ask you about what happened just this week when President Biden visited Ukraine for the first time since the start of the war. Tell us about his visit.
嗯,我也想问你关于总统拜登第一次自战争开始以来访问乌克兰的事情。告诉我们关于他的访问发生了什么。
Oh, it's a surprise. President Joe Biden made an unannounced and audacious visit to Ukraine's capital on Monday to mark almost a year since Russia's invasion. Cementing relations with a war-torn country by announcing half a billion dollars worth of military equipment. For Ukraine, it was this really exciting moment. kind of a morale boost and a difficult week where everybody's remembering, oh my God, we've been doing this for a whole year already. For Ukrainians, it feels like a year of their lives lost, but here is kind of this uplifting moment.
You know, it was all everybody could talk about. Biden visiting Kiev, it was so different than any other world leader who's come here. And pretty much like a lot of them have. Macron has been the Kiev, Boris Johnson has been the Kiev. I mean, everybody has come here, but people understand that the US has had the greatest kind of support role. And him being here just felt like there was a huge kind of buzz around town for it.
So a day after Biden's surprise visit to Kiev, Putin announced on Tuesday that he decided to suspend Russia's participation in a nuclear arms treaty. In this regard, the United States is trying to stop its participation in the dialogue about strategic-based weapons.
Can you explain what the treaty is and what that means for the war? So the treaty is the only nuclear arms agreement between the United States and Russia. It's really been in place since the Obama presidency, but then it was re-upped under Biden. And the point is to kind of place caps on the kind of nuclear arms that both sides have, and specifically, you know, on the Russian side, the kind of nuclear or long-range missiles that can reach the United States. And both sides have certain abilities to kind of check that.
So what does the suspension mean? The details are still not entirely clear. Russia hasn't been in compliance for a little while now. And the main concern, of course, is that as it has always been when Russia's involved, you know, directly in a war is, will they ever use a nuclear weapon in Ukraine or elsewhere? You know, and that sort of talk and it's kind of a scare tactic more than anything else against the West?
A year in, the war is not over, and it's certainly not going the way Russia might have expected it to when it first launched the invasion. So do we know how far Putin will go to try and win this war?
I think Putin has already spent too much, it's caused him too much to kind of settle now. I think he understands that ultimately he can be patient. His bargain at this moment is that he can outlast the West.
One year ago, the world was literally at the time bracing for the fall of Kiev. And that was, you know, when Biden was in Kiev, that was sort of his message, right? The Putin thought he could outlast us. You know, one year later, Kiev stands, and Ukraine stands, democracy stands.
The truth is Putin still thinks he can do that, and he might be able to, even if the war is not going great for Russia and territorial gains are kind of minimal for Russia at this point. He knows that Russia has more people, it has more weapons, it can exhaust the Ukrainians, and ultimately in the battle of attrition, Ukraine just does not have enough without continued Western support.
And will the West grow tired of this in another year? That is kind of the main question is how long can the West continue this sort of pace of support? We're ready hearing talk of weapons stocks and ammunition stocks being depleted and things of that sort.
I think probably his plan at this point is to take as much of the east, the Danadskin-Lugansk regions as he can, and then go for a frozen conflict, which Russia has done in a lot of places. And that will keep Ukraine unstable, it will continue to kind of damage the economy and probably keep Ukraine out of the European Union and definitely out of NATO.
On the Ukraine side, it's really pushed this year as the Euro victory, that something Zelensky has said, it doesn't feel like it's super realistic, especially since Ukraine's position to this point has been, you know, that it will not stop the fight until it gets all of its territory back.
Where I think Western powers want to see the end of the war to come like this, that Ukraine would have one more big offensive, get back another big swath of territory, and then maybe consider beginning negotiations.
Ultimately, all wars, they usually end, you know, with some sort of diplomatic means. But right now, the reason that it's so difficult to see kind of the end of the war is that there really isn't any negotiations between the sides, they aren't talking to each other, and neither side really sees the incentive too.
Isabel, thank you so much for your reporting. Thank you for having me. Isabel Kurshudian is the Ukraine Bureau Chief for the Post. Today's show was produced by Eliza Dennis. It was mixed by Sean Carter and edited by Lucy Perkins. Thanks also to David Hersenhorn, Peter Finn, and Zoanne Murphy.
That's it for post reports. Thanks for listening. Our team includes Maggie Penman, Rina Flores, Ted Maldun, Martine Powers, Ilaje Zadi, Lucy Perkins, Eliza Dennis, Alana Gordon, Ariel Plotnik, Arjun Singh, Jordan Marie Smith, Renys Fernovsky, Sabi Robinson, Emma Talkoff, Sean Carter, and Renita Chablonsky.