Episode 40 - Questions
发布时间 2013-12-14 18:28:05 来源
Today's episode is brought to you by audible.com. If you would like to support the history of Byzantium podcast, but also get a free audiobook in the process, then check out Audible's service. They remain the leading provider of audiobooks anywhere on the internet with thousands upon thousands of titles to choose from. If you've enjoyed hearing about Justinian's favorite general, then why not check out Count Belisarius by Robert Graves? Graves is the man who wrote the famous iClaudius series, and here he uses Procopius' accounts to put together a historical novel describing Belisarius' exploits from the point of view of one of Antoninus' servants.
今天的节目由audible.com赞助。如果您想支持拜占庭历史播客，同时还想免费获得一本有声书，那就去试试Audible的服务吧。他们是互联网上最主要的有声书提供商，在上面有数千本不同类型的书可供选择。如果您喜欢听关于贾斯汀尼安最喜欢的将领的故事，那么为什么不去看看罗伯特·格雷夫斯写的《贝利撒留伯爵》呢？格雷夫斯是著名的《我，克劳狄斯》系列的作家，在这里他使用普罗科比乌斯的描述，从安东尼努斯的仆人的角度来描述贝利撒留斯的业绩。
A historical novel can be a great way to immerse yourself in a particular area of history. I know I've really enjoyed Robert Harris' books about Cicero. So if you live in the US or Canada and want to check out Count Belisarius or any other audible book, then go to audibletrial.com forward slash TV critic to start your free trial.
一部历史小说是沉浸于某个历史领域的绝佳方式。我知道我非常喜欢罗伯特·哈里斯关于西塞罗的书。如果你住在美国或加拿大，想要查阅《贝利撒留斯伯爵》或其他任何有声读物，那么就去audibletrial.com/TV critic开始您的免费试用吧。
Hello everyone, and welcome to the history of Byzantium. Episode 40. Questions. Thanks again to all of you who sent in sixth century questions. As expected, they cover all sorts of aspects of Byzantine life, some of which are hard to answer specifically just about this time period, and some of which are hard to answer at all. I've done my best to provide some insights, and I'll direct you to other sources where I can.
大家好，欢迎收听拜占庭历史第40集。今天我们来回答一些问题。非常感谢大家发送了关于六世纪的问题。像预期的那样，这些问题涵盖了拜占庭生活的各个方面。有些问题很难在特定的时期作出具体回答，有些问题则更难回答。我已尽力提供一些见解，并会将您引向其他可靠来源。
I've managed to fit a few questions into the last couple of podcasts, and there will be another batch in next week's episode. But today I will be tackling all those questions, which didn't fit anywhere else. So, listen to G asks, I recall a legend about Belisarius being blinded by a jealous Justinian. Could you talk about that story and how much, if any of it, is true?
我在最近几期播客中成功问出了一些问题，下周的节目中还会有一批问题。但是今天我将与那些无处安放的问题交手。所以，请听 G 问，我记得有一个有关于贝利撒留被嫉妒的君士坦丁残忍剥夺视力的传说，你能谈谈关于这个故事，还有多少是真实的吗？
Yes, you heard that correctly. A story appeared around the 10th century, as far as we can tell, that Justinian actually had Belisarius' eyes put out and left him to beg for a living in the streets. This story gained sympathy amongst writers and painters in the 18th century, drawing parallels with the repressive monarchs of their own time. You can see a couple of those paintings at thehistoryofbizantium.com or on Facebook.
是的，你听到的没错。据我们所知，大约在10世纪左右，有一个故事说贾斯汀尼安实际上瞎了贝利撒留给他在街上讨生活。这个故事在18世纪引起了作家和画家的同情，与他们自己时代的压制君主进行了比较。你可以在thehistoryofbizantium.com或Facebook上看到其中几幅画。
What probably gave the story some credence is that Belisarius was named as part of a conspiracy to overthrow the emperor in 562, a couple of years before both men died. It was too minor an incident to mention on the podcast, but the sources say that Belisarius was placed under house arrest for a few months before Justinian restored him to favour. The suggestion that Belisarius was blinded is not mentioned by contemporary sources, and it would be very out of character for Justinian to so cruelly punish anyone, let alone a man he clearly held in high esteem.
这个故事能够引起一些信任的原因可能是：在562年，也就是两人去世前的几年，贝利撒留斯被指名为一次推翻皇帝的阴谋的参与者。这次事件太小了，不值得在播客中提及，但资料显示，贝利撒留斯被软禁了几个月才被贾斯汀尼安恢复了信任。而关于贝利撒留斯被瞎眼的说法并未被同时代的资料提到，如果贾斯汀尼安真的如此残忍地惩罚一个他明显十分尊重的人，那就很难理解了。
There were several small assassination plots which came to light during Justinian's reign, but he never seemed to harshly punish anyone. It also seems highly unlikely that after decades of loyalty, Belisarius would suddenly decide to overthrow the emperor. Most likely, the conspirators had planned to offer the Diadem to Belisarius should they have succeeded in killing Justinian, knowing that the great general was someone the crowds might accept as their new sovereign. So my assumption, like that of most historians, is that the story is affiction. Its origins in the 10th century, when blinding was a more common punishment for usurpers, perhaps confirms its later creation. Actual stories were then written, building on this legend, where Belisarius tries to conquer Britain for Justinian, and then have him begging on the streets of Rome, rather than Constantinople. So yeah, nonsense.
贾斯汀尼安统治期间出现了几个小的暗杀密谋，但他似乎从未严惩任何人。而且，在数十年的忠诚之后，贝利撒留斯突然决定推翻皇帝的可能性极低。最有可能的是，密谋者计划在杀死贾斯汀尼安后将王冠献给贝利撒留斯，因为众人可能会接受这位伟大将军作为新的主权者。因此，我和大多数历史学家一样认为，这个故事是虚构的。它起源于第十世纪，当时剥夺眼睛是罢免者的更常见的惩罚，这可能证实了它的后期创作。然后，实际的故事被写出来，基于这个传说，贝利撒留斯试图为贾斯汀尼安征服英国，然后让他在罗马而不是君士坦丁堡的街头乞讨。所以，是的，这是无稽之谈。
A related question comes from listener N. L, who says, I was under the impression that Justinian was the last native Latin speaking emperor, but your introduction of Tiberius II makes it seem like he was too. As I mentioned in my introduction to both Justin II and Tiberius II, we just don't know whether they spoke Latin. We don't know anything at all about Tiberius' upbringing, or really where in the Balkans he was from. So it's just a guess that he might have spoken Latin since he got on so well with the House of Justinian.
一位听众N.L提出了一个相关问题，他说：“我一直以为朱斯提尼安是最后一位以拉丁语为母语的皇帝，但你提到提比留斯二世后，似乎他也是。就像我在介绍朱斯提尼二世和提比留斯二世时提到的那样，我们并不知道他们是否会讲拉丁语。我们一点也不知道提比留斯的成长背景，或者他来自巴尔干地区的哪里。因此，我们只是猜测他可能会讲拉丁语，因为他和朱斯提尼安王朝的联系非常紧密。”
Similarly, just in the second, may have been born in Constantinople, so he may well have spoken only Greek fluently, but we just don't know. So historians can only say that Justinian was the last native Latin speaking emperor, as far as we know. listener N. L also asks, is there any way of knowing how the 100,000 gold pieces that the Avars asked Maurice for compares with the 700 or 1400 pounds of gold that the Romans paid annually to Attila and his huns?
同样地，在第二个例子中，贾斯汀或许出生于君士坦丁堡，因此他可能会流利地说希腊语，但我们只是不知道。因此历史学家只能说，据我们所知，贾斯汀安是最后一位以拉丁语为母语的皇帝。听众 N.L 还问，我们有没有办法知道阿瓦尔人向莫里斯要求的 100,000 枚金币与罗马人每年向阿提拉和他的匈奴人支付的 700 或 1400 磅黄金相比如何？
Yes, absolutely. This is one area of history where we have enough information to be roughly accurate about these sums. Throughout the history of Byzantium, I've been referring to large payments in terms of pounds of gold. In part, just so you could compare the amounts to the 1400 Attila received and similar amounts mentioned on the history of Rome. But pounds of gold in practical terms meant actual gold coins, so we can work out the actual number of coins or no missma that were being handed over. Rather than explain the exchange rate though, for now I will stick with pounds of gold.
是的，绝对正确。这个历史领域我们有足够的信息，可以大致准确地了解这些金额。在拜占庭历史中，我一直用金磅来提到大笔付款。部分原因是为了便于您将其与1400年阿提拉和罗马历史中提到的类似金额进行比较。但是，实际上金磅指的是实际的金币，因此我们可以计算出实际转手的硬币或no missma的数量。现在我暂时不解释汇率，仍将使用金磅。
The Avars may have asked for more, but the most they received in a year was around 1,100 pounds of gold, while Attila had in his best year received 2,100 pounds of gold. So the Avars had one pretty good year but weren't consistently being paid as the huns had been. At the beginning of our podcast, Anastasia's had agreed to pay 550 pounds for peace with the Persians, and Tiberius had paid around 400 pounds a year during his truce with the Sassanids, but the single largest payment the Byzantines would ever make was by Justinian for the Eternal Peace, which ended up being 8 years long. That amount you may recall was 11,000 pounds of gold, so 10 times what Attila received. Large amounts indeed, but the whole Imperial budget was millions of gold coins strong, over 100,000 pounds of gold around this time, with most of that being spent on the army.
阿瓦尔人可能会要求更多，但他们一年收到的黄金最多只有约1,100磅，而阿提拉在他最好的一年收到了2,100磅的黄金。因此，阿瓦尔人有一个相当不错的年份，但他们没有像匈人那样持续得到报酬。在我们的播客开始时，阿纳斯塔西娅同意支付550磅以换取与波斯人的和平，而提比留斯在与萨萨尼德人的停战期间每年支付了约400磅。拜占庭帝国最大的一次支付是由贾斯汀尼安为永恒和平所支付的，这个和平持续了8年。你可能想起来，那笔钱是11,000磅的黄金，是阿提拉所得的10倍。确实是巨额财富，但整个帝国预算都非常庞大，当时超过100,000磅的黄金硬币，其中大部分都花在了军队上。
Listener S asks, did the Byzantines maintain a standing fleet at all times, where they arranged in different theatres, such as the Black Sea, Squadron, or the Mediterranean Fleet, and also in this period did they have Greek fire? Quick comment on that last part is no. What we understand as Greek fire has not appeared just yet in the narrative, but when it does, trust me, I will tell you about it. As for the standing fleets, well as you know, the Romans never cared about seafaring that much. It was always the soldiers in the land armies who got the attention and the glory.
听众S问，拜占庭人是否一直维持有常备舰队，并分别安排在不同的剧场，例如黑海舰队或地中海舰队？此时期它们是否有希腊火？最后一个问题的快速回答是没有。我们对希腊火的理解尚未出现在叙述中，但一旦出现，我会告诉你的。至于常备舰队，正如您所知，罗马人从来不太关心海洋航行。他们总是把关注和荣耀放在陆军士兵身上。
To be fair though, between the Battle of Actium, when Augustus defeated Antony and the conquest of Carthage by the Vandals, the Romans didn't have any enemies in the Mediterranean. They controlled all the land around their sea, and so a massive navy was never a priority. Of course, some military vessels were always maintained, as you never know when civil war or piracy might break out, but sources are relatively thin on the ground for the Byzantine period. The evidence suggests that there were three main concentrations of naval forces, one around Constantinople, one in Ravenna, and one to patrol the Danube River. These were understandably the three places where naval forces were most needed. The Lombards had no navy, but warships were needed there to guard supply vessels that kept the Byzantine cities in Italy up and running. Meanwhile, squadrons had been patrolling the Danube for centuries now, looking out for hostile people trying to cross. In theory, if Roman soldiers could be transported up and down the river networks, they could surprise their enemies with an unexpected landing.
说实在的，自从奥古斯都打败安东尼的阿克提乌姆战役，到范多尔人征服迦太基这段时间里，罗马人在地中海上没有任何敌人。他们控制着自己所辖海域周围的所有领土，因此庞大的海军并不是他们的优先考虑。当然，一些军舰总是需要保持，因为你永远不知道内战或海盗袭击何时爆发，但是对于拜占庭时期的来源相对较少。证据表明，有三个主要的海军力量集中地，一个在君士坦丁堡附近，一个在拉文纳，另一个巡逻多瑙河。这三个地方显然需要最多的海军力量。隆巴底人没有海军，但在那里需要战舰来保护维持意大利拜占庭城市运转的补给船。与此同时，中队已经巡逻多瑙河几个世纪了，以防敌人试图穿越。理论上，如果可以将罗马士兵运输到河网上下游，他们可以通过意外登陆来突袭敌人。
As far as we can tell, the navy was treated a little like the Limitaniai soldiers, the farmer soldiers who lived along the borders. So the men who staffed the navy were not commissioned officers, and were not paid at the same level as the field armies. Presumably, they were expected to make a living elsewhere, and will be paid allowances when the treasury could spare them. Our best guess for the size of the navy is based on the invasion fleet, which Bellissarius took to Africa. Procopius claims that there were 92 single decked warships, and this could represent most of the fleet. By this time, the fleet would be made up of droman warships as they were spelled or thromone, as they would be pronounced in Greek. These ships would have become the backbone of the Byzantine navy, and were known and named for their speed. They had a full deck, meaning the men rowing were protected from misal fire, and Latine sales, the triangular shape, as opposed to the half decks and square sales of the earlier Roman navy.
据我们所知，海军就像边境居住的农民士兵利米塔尼亚士兵那样受到了一些待遇。因此，驻扎在海军的人员并非委任军官，并且其待遇也不如野战军队。推测他们需要在别处谋生，并在国库允许的情况下获得津贴。我们最佳估算海军规模是基于贝利撒留斯派往非洲的入侵舰队。普罗科比乌斯声称有92艘单层战舰，这可能代表了大部分舰队。到了此时，舰队将由拼写为droman或希腊语发音为thromone的战舰构成。这些船成为了拜占庭的海军骨干，以其速度而闻名。它们有一个完整的甲板，意味着划船的人能够避免弹药的飞溅和拉丁帆，呈三角形的形状，与早期罗马海军的半甲板和方形帆相对。
Lysna M asks, what did daily life look like for an emperor, while Lysna L.S asks what life was like for a typical citizen? Mike Duncan did a very fine job describing a day in the life of a city dwelling Roman back in the age of the Antonines, and what he said then remains true now, in that a typical citizen would have been a farmer whose life was out in the fields. So perhaps it's easier for me to just draw on a few of the changes in city life in the Byzantine era, and of course we largely covered these two episodes ago when we saw how the classical city was morphing into the medieval one.
莉丝娜M问道，皇帝的日常生活是什么样子的，而莉丝娜L.S.则询问了一个典型市民的生活是怎样的？迈克·邓肯在安东宁时代描述了一个住在城市中的罗马人的一天生活，他当时描述最真实，而现在仍然如此，即典型市民是一位生活在田野上的农民。因此，也许更容易的是我列出拜占庭时期城市生活的几个变化，当然，我们在两集之前已经涵盖了这些内容，当时我们看到古典城市正在转变为中世纪城市。
So people were spending less time in the baths, and more time in church. But another major change in city life was the dominance of the calendar by religious services and processions. All sorts of special days were now commemorated.
人们在浴池里消磨的时间减少了，转而在教堂里多待些时光。城市生活中的另一个重大变化是宗教仪式和游行主宰的日历。各种特别的节日现在都被纪念。
Feast days, saints days, martyrs days, the start of the liturgical year, the anniversary of the emperor's reign, the birthday of the city, the commemoration of previous emperors or severe earthquakes or the opening of a new church. All these days would be the cause for processions or special services.
宴日、圣人日、殉道者日、教会年度开始日、皇帝统治周年纪念日、城市生日、前任皇帝或大地震或新教堂开幕纪念日。所有这些日子都会成为游行或特别仪式的原因。
And another change of course was that the hippodrome had become a bigger feature of life, at least for cities that had one, with the disappearance of amphitheaters making the passion for chariot racing somehow even more all consuming than it had been. Hence the growth and the importance of the blues and the greens who were now responsible for most of the cities and attainment. Both these changes would have been part of the daily life of an emperor.
当然，另一个变化是，赛马场已经成为生活更重要的特征，至少对于有赛马场的城市来说是如此。随着圆形剧场的消失，战车赛的热情不知怎地变得更加占据所有人的心。 因此，蓝队和绿队的增长和重要性也随之增加，他们现在负责大部分城市和成就。 这两个变化都会是皇帝日常生活的一部分。
When he had the time he was expected to host the races and take part in church processions and services. In both cases it was seen as one of the emperor's responsibilities, to be seen to take part in public life, to provide the entertainment or to take communion with his people.
当他有时间的时候，人们期待他主持比赛并参加教堂的游行和服务。在这两种情况下，都被视为皇帝的责任之一，参与公众生活，提供娱乐或与人民一起领圣餐。
The rest of the emperor's day would likely be spent in the palace. Messages would flood in every day from every corner of the empire, which had to be summarized and brought to the emperor's attention. Letters from generals out in the field, so legal cases that the Praetorian prefects didn't feel comfortable making judgments on. There were meetings to attend with various advisors, senators or bishops, ambassadors to greet and entertain, banquets to host and of course a family to spend time with.
皇帝的其余时间很可能会在宫殿里度过。每天都会从全帝国的各个角落涌来许多信息，这些信息必须被概述并呈现到皇帝的面前。有来自战场的将军信件，还有普莱托里亚卫队长不敢判断的法律案件。还有与各种顾问、参议员或主教的会议，要迎接和招待大使，主持宴会，当然还要花时间陪伴家人。
So the emperor was an incredibly busy man. I haven't read much about any of them getting any downtime since the Adosius II fell off his horse while hunting back in 450. But doubtless they did have hobbies they occasionally indulged, although the only man we know enough about would be Justinian, who spent his spare time reading religious texts.
所以皇帝是一个非常忙碌的人。自从公元450年阿多西斯二世狩猎时从马上摔下以来，我没有读到过任何关于他们得到闲暇时间的信息。但毫无疑问他们也有偶尔沉迷的兴趣爱好，不过我们只确切了解到朱斯提尼安这个人，在业余时间喜欢阅读宗教文献。
Listener GM asks what kind of food would the citizens of Constantinople have eaten? Well, bread was still the key to most citizens' diet, whether provided as part of the public doll or bought on the open market. Many families would grow their own vegetables and keep chickens too. So that gave you eggs while the capital's abundant markets and stalls would provide cheese, fruit and wine if you could afford them. For those who couldn't, soup or stew might be your best bet, as boiling was the simplest way to cook. Perhaps with figs or walnuts to accompany it. Surrounded on three sides by water, the capital had access to tuna, macrolead and sturgeon, as well as fish from further afield.
听众GM问：君士坦丁堡的居民会吃什么样的食物？嗯，对于大多数居民来说，面包仍然是饮食的关键，不管是作为公共福利的一部分还是在市场上购买。许多家庭会自己种植蔬菜并养鸡。所以，如果你有足够的钱，那么这样你就可以得到鸡蛋，而首都丰富的市场和摊位则提供了奶酪、水果和葡萄酒等食品。对于那些买不起这些的人来说，汤或炖菜可能是您最好的选择，因为煮是最简单的做法。或许还可以配上无花果或核桃。首都被三面环水，拥有金枪鱼、大马哈鱼和鲟鱼等海鲜，以及来自更远地方的鱼类。
There were animal markets, of course, but meat was less available than it is today. Pigs were slaughtered at the beginning of winter, so that sausages, salt pork and lard could be stocked up for the coming months. In finer circles, the Byzantine seemed to have enjoyed sweet dishes, if they could get their hands on them. Honey cakes, syrupy sweet meats, quince marmalade, rice pudding, and various bread dishes mixed with sugar and raisins went down a treat. That's just a quick summary, and obviously we have trouble dating any culinary inventions, so I'll stop there.
当然有动物市场，但是相比今天，肉类供应较少。猪肉会在冬季初被宰杀，以备来年几个月的香肠、咸肉和猪油需求。在较高级的社交圈中，拜占庭人似乎喜欢甜品，如果他们能得到的话。蜂蜜蛋糕、糖浸的肉类、枣子果酱、米布丁以及混合了糖和葡萄干的各种面包菜肴都吃得津津有味。这只是一个快速的摘要，显然我们很难陈述任何烹饪发明的确切日期，所以我就到这里吧。
Listen to YP asks about unix. Where did they come from? What purpose did they serve? And how did the practice of employing them begin? To answer the last question first, unix have a long tradition as imperial servants, going back to ancient times, particularly in China and Egypt. But the need for Roman imperial unix developed with diocletians redefinition of the office of emperor.
听YP问关于Unix的问题，它们从哪里诞生？它们的目的是什么？以及雇用它们的惯例是如何开始的？首先回答最后一个问题，Unix作为帝国仆人的传统悠久，可以追溯到古代，特别是在中国和埃及。但罗马帝国Unix的需求是随着戴克里先重新定义皇帝职位而产生的。
Once the Augustus turned from princheps to dominus, it was important to limit access to the emperor as much as possible. But that put a lot of power in the hands of the few men who were allowed direct physical access to the emperor and of course his family. And so unix were seen as the ideal choice. They were unlikely to be physical threats, they were incapable of being a sexual menace, and they were unable to have families of their own, and so would be less likely to take part in conspiracies against the emperor because their loyalty lay with him.
一旦奥古斯都从“princheps”转变为“dominus”，尽可能限制接近皇帝变得非常重要。但这把力量集中在了那些被允许直接接近皇帝以及他的家族的少数人手中。因此，Unix被看作是理想的选择。他们不太可能构成身体威胁，他们无法成为性骚扰者，也无法拥有自己的家庭，因此不太可能参与反对皇帝的阴谋，因为他们忠诚于皇帝。
Of course a Christian society could hardly tolerate the mutilation of young boys. So in 600 AD at least most unix came from beyond the frontiers. Boys captured in war, or sold into slavery, often from Armenia, or the various kingdoms in the Caucasus. Some though were free-born and castrated by their own families because it was considered that a better life awaited them that way than toiling in the fields.
当然，一个基督教社会肯定不能容忍年轻男孩的残害。因此，在公元600年，大多数的阉人都来自边境之外。这些男孩有些在战争中被俘虏或被贩卖为奴隶，通常来自亚美尼亚或高加索的各个王国。有些则是自由出生的，并由自己的家庭阉割，因为人们认为这样会有更好的生活，而不是在田地中辛苦劳作。
Although they weren't quite as ubiquitous in 600 AD, the growing trend in Byzantium was to be far more welcoming to unix than most other states. It had almost become a necessity to be a unit to work as an imperial Chamberlain, and over time more and more jobs would appear within the palace reserved only for them. Most wealthy families would have some unix servants where they might serve the lady of the house or teach the children. The giving of castrated slaves was considered a prestigious and welcome gift. Unix were also welcome in the service of the church where their high pitched voices were a valued addition to the empire's choirs, but more than that they were allowed to become priests and even bishops. In many nunneries only unix were allowed to visit and perform the Eucharist or communion. We already saw in our narrative that Narciss was so trusted by Justinian that he was allowed to amass great wealth, lead armies, and even become ex-Arch of Italy. So despite the fear and revulsion that many felt toward them, unix really could lead a prominent and powerful life in Byzantium. The hypocrisy of accepting castrated men into imperial service despite banning the practice doesn't seem to have troubled anyone unduly.
尽管在公元600年时没有那么普遍，但拜占庭帝国内兴起的趋势是比其他大多数国家更欢迎尤尼克斯。成为皇家总管的基本上成为成为一个尤尼克斯的必要条件，并且随着时间的推移越来越多的工作岗位只留给他们。大多数富裕家庭都会有一些尤尼克斯仆人，他们可能为女主人服务或教孩子。赠送阉割奴隶被视为声望高贵的欢迎礼品。尤其是在教堂服务时，他们高昂的嗓子成为帝国合唱队中受欢迎的补充，然而他们不仅被允许成为神父甚至主教。在许多修道院中，仅有尤尼克斯被允许参观并进行圣餐典礼。我们在叙述中已经看到纳西斯得到贾斯丁尼安的信任，被允许积累巨额财富，率领军队，甚至成为意大利的前任大主教。因此，尽管许多人对他们感到恐惧和厌恶，尤尼克斯在拜占庭帝国中确实可以过着显赫而强大的生活。接受阉割男性的帝国服务实际上是被禁止的，然而，这种假仁假义的行为似乎并没有特别困扰任何人。
We even hear the argument made that their chastity had been preserved through the act of castration. Listen to E says I'd love to hear something about the calendars in use at the time. As far as I know the Julian calendar as instigated by Julius Caesar was still the way the year was measured in 6th century Byzantium. It wasn't until a thousand years later that the Gregorian version would appear to correct the various eras it contained.
我们甚至听到有人辩称他们的贞操是通过阉割行为得以保存的。听E说：“我很想听听该时期使用的日历有关的事情。”据我所知，朱利叶斯·凯撒（Julius Caesar）实施的朱利安日历仍然是6世纪拜占庭帝国衡量年份的方式。直到一千年后，格里高利历才出现，以纠正其中包含的各种历法。
Two wrinkles in the answer though are that many Byzantine documents date the world not BC or AD but instead from the date of creation. Using biblical accounts combined with what historical dates they were sure of, men calculated the date of creation as September 1st 5509 BC. There is some variation in different texts as to exactly when Adam and Eve walked the earth. And in Byzantium September 1st was considered the first day of the year, which adds a nice amount of confusion when trying to link up historical events across different civilizations.
然而，答案中有两个问题。许多拜占庭文件的日期并不是公元前或公元后，而是从创造世界的日期开始计算。根据圣经记载及所确定的历史日期，人们将创世纪日期计算为公元前5509年9月1日。在不同的文本中，关于亚当和夏娃的时间线还有一些差异。而在拜占庭帝国中，9月1日被认为是新年的第一天，这在尝试将不同文明的历史事件联系起来时会增加相当多的困惑。
Byzantine government documents were also dated by Indiction. Indictions originally referred to the reassessment of an area of land in Egypt, presumably to check what the land was producing for tax purposes. This seems to have been part of Diocletian's efforts to better organize the empire. By the late 4th century many other government documents were being dated by the year of Indiction. And Justinian issued an edict that all documents must be stamped with it. By the 6th century the Indiction was a 15-year cycle. So we find documents saying year one of the Indiction, year 12 of the Indiction, and so on. Clearly, it continued to be beneficial to Imperial bureaucrats for many centuries.
拜占庭政府文件也是用Indiction进行日期标注的。Indiction最初指的是重新评估埃及土地的范围，据推测是为了检查土地为税收目的生产了什么。这似乎是Diocletian更好地组织帝国努力的一部分。到了4世纪末，许多其他政府文件也开始用Indiction年进行日期标注。Justinian颁布了一道法令，规定所有文件都必须加盖该标志。到了6世纪，Indiction已成为一个15年循环。因此，我们可以找到一些文件说Indiction的第一年，第12年等等。显然，这在许多世纪内继续对帝国官僚们有利。
Lesson a TBD asked for more information on engineering and medicine. For engineering I will have to direct you elsewhere as it's a bit too complex to be able to deal with briefly. There are plenty of books on the subject and if I come across one I particularly like it will appear in the bibliography at thehistory by satanthium.com. On medicine, I can be a little more specific but let's start with the general. In the narrative you've already heard about the building of hospitals across the empire. Something I think we can call a Byzantine innovation as it wasn't part of the pre-Christian empire in anything like the same way.
TBD请求更多有关工程和医学的信息。对于工程，我必须把您带到其他地方，因为它太复杂了，无法简要地处理。有很多关于这个主题的书籍，如果我发现特别喜欢的一本，它会出现在thehistory by satanthium.com的参考书目中。关于医学，我可以更具体一些，但让我们从一般性开始。在您已经听过的叙述中，我们已经听说了整个帝国建造医院的情况。我认为这是拜占庭的创新，因为在基督教前的帝国中，这不像现在这样存在。
In Constantinople these institutions clearly preferred our own modern hospitals with a chief physician, nurses and orderlies. But even out in remote places monasteries would have often have areas designated for the healing of the sick.
在君士坦丁堡，这些机构明显更喜欢我们现代的医院，有一位首席医师、护士和勤务员。但即使在偏远地方，修道院也会经常有为病人治疗指定的区域。
This is one of the most obviously positive aspects of Christianity. Jesus healed people and he cared for everyone regardless of social background. This attitude to human health and well-being meant that the medical profession benefited from the Christianizing of the Roman world. It was a two-way street though with the great Greco-Roman writers such as Hippocrates and Galen being cherished and reproduced for generations of doctors to study and learn from.
这是基督教最显然积极的方面之一。耶稣医治了人们，他关爱人们，不管他们来自什么社会背景。这种对人类健康和福祉的态度意味着医疗行业从基督教化罗马世界中受益。不过，这是一条双向街，伟大的希腊罗马作家，如希波克拉底和伽俐略，也受到珍惜并世世代代被医生学习和借鉴。
Hospitals were run in different ways with the government, the church and wealthy citizens all providing the money needed. Care was offered free of charge to the poor while the well-off would be asked to contribute. Justinian began the practice of the state providing subsidies so that private doctors would work free of charge for at least some of the year. Around the capital was probably the best place to fall ill as the university there trained young doctors while hospices and leper houses sprung up to take care of those most in need.
医院是以不同的方式运营的，政府、教会和富有的公民都提供了所需的资金。穷人可以免费得到治疗，而富裕阶层需要贡献一些。贾斯汀尼安开始实行国家为私人医生提供补贴，以便他们在至少一年的时间里免费工作。在首都周围可能是生病的最佳地点，因为那里的大学培训了年轻的医生，同时医院和麻风病人之家也涌现出来，以照顾那些最需要的人。
It's difficult to talk about specific medical innovations from the sixth century but another advantage that Byzantium offered to the profession was its maintenance of libraries. Aribasius, the Emperor Julian's personal physician, compiled major medical works from ancient authors while in the seventh century Paul of Eginia would write a medical compendium in seven books that was massively influential on Islamic as well as Western European doctors for centuries to come.
谈论六世纪的具体医学创新很困难，但拜占庭还为这个行业提供了另一个优势 - 维护图书馆。朱利安皇帝的私人医生亚力巴修斯从古代作家编译了重要的医学作品，而在七世纪，伊格尼亚的保罗会写一本七卷本的医学大成，这本书对伊斯兰医生和西欧医生产生了深远的影响。
His work touched on all sorts of surprising things like gynecology, diet, treatment of the elderly and mental illness that we might think of as quite modern. The descriptions of surgery are also enlightening with even accounts of cataracts or cancerous growths being cut out of the body. Evidence from law also suggests a fairly modern attitude to the medical establishment with punishments for abuse, negligence and fraud. There was particular concern for inexperienced doctors giving treatment that they were not trained to provide.
他的工作触及到各种令人惊讶的领域，如妇科学、饮食、老年人治疗以及精神疾病等，这在我们看来都是相当现代的。手术的描述也很启发人，甚至有摘除身体中的白内障或癌症肿瘤的记录。法律方面的证据也表明对医疗机构持有相当现代的态度，对滥用、忽视和欺诈进行惩罚。对于没有接受过培训的医生给予治疗的情况尤其担忧。
We shouldn't forget though that many ordinary people sought out the divine rather than a doctor when they were ill. It was widely believed that relics icons and the sites of saints and martyrs could heal the body of various ailments. There were patron saints of epidemics, of pediatrics, of genital diseases, even of dental care. There were also numerous folk remedies, such as the wearing of special amulets that people clung to in the hope that it might heal them.
我们不应该忘记，许多普通人在生病时寻求神的帮助，而不是医生的帮助。人们普遍相信，圣遗物、圣像和圣徒烈士的遗址可以治疗各种疾病。还有流行病的保护圣人，儿科保护圣人，生殖器疾病的保护圣人，甚至还有牙齿保健的保护圣人。此外也有很多民间疗法，比如佩戴特殊护身符，希望它能治愈自己。
Nor should we overstate the performance of the Byzantine medical establishment. And without modern immunization techniques, child mortality remained as high as it always had been. And life expectancy for the poor remained around 40 in the sixth century.
我们也不应该夸大拜占庭的医疗机构的表现。在没有现代免疫技术的情况下，儿童死亡率仍然像以前一样高。在六世纪，贫困人口的预期寿命仍然约为40岁。
Medicine like many other subjects is one that it's not easy to subdivide by century. Procopius didn't list off the medical care available to him as much as it would have been extremely helpful if he had. If we're all still here, come 1453, perhaps we can deal with topics like this in more detail. Listen to tea in a similar vein, asks about developments in science and maths, which would require much longer answers.
像许多其他学科一样，医学很难按世纪进行细分。Procopius并没有列出他可获得的医疗保健，如果他这样做了，这将非常有帮助。如果我们仍然在此处，到了1453年，或许我们可以更详细地讨论这些话题。类似的，问到科学和数学的发展，需要更长的回答。听起来也很有趣。
But he also asks whether there was a decline after the sixth century. For example, the year Sophia being such a triumph of mathematics and architecture, why did nothing else touch it for the rest of Byzantium's history? I've simplified the question, but I think you get the gist. And I think the answer in broad terms is that the Byzantine still produced great architects and great thinkers, and perhaps on another occasion we can touch on them. But after the sixth century, they would never have had the resources at their disposal that the men who built the idea Sophia did. First the plague hit, and then as we will come to, the Arabs will take the Eastern provinces. It's no surprise then that more mathematical and scientific innovations came from the Muslim world, as the caliphate would soon command the kind of resources that only briefly rested in Justinian's hands.
他还提出了第六世纪后是否有衰落的问题。例如，年份Sophia的数学和建筑的胜利，为什么在拜占庭帝国的历史剩余部分中没有其他东西能够接触它呢？我已经简化了问题，但我认为你能够得到要点。我认为以广义来说，答案是拜占庭仍然产生了伟大的建筑师和伟大的思想家，也许在另一个场合我们可以谈论他们。但是在第六世纪之后，他们将永远没有手头的资源，因为建造Idea Sophia的人拥有的资源只是短暂的。首先，瘟疫爆发，然后正如我们将要看到的，阿拉伯人将掌握东部省份。因此，更多的数学和科学创新来自于穆斯林的世界，因为哈里发即将指挥仅仅在贾斯汀尼安手中短暂休息的资源。
Byzantine architecture would of course go on with many innovative and interesting buildings being erected, but none on that scale. Listen to tea did also ask about education and whether it had changed since the rather brutal primary school lessons we heard about back during the history of Rome. Certainly primary teachers and grammarians were still found in towns in the sixth century, but I imagine practices were at least a little different in the east than they had been in Rome itself, and with fewer children being educated, the classroom practice that might describe was probably less relevant.
拜占庭建筑自然会继续进行许多创新和有趣的建筑物的建造，但没有那么大规模的。听茶也问及教育是否发生了变化，自从我们在罗马历史时期听说的相当野蛮的小学课程以来。当然，在第六世纪，城镇中仍可以找到小学教师和语法学家，但我想东方的实践至少有些不同于罗马本身，而且由于受教育的儿童较少，可能较少相关的课堂实践。
As we heard when discussing unix, the children of the wealthy may have been taught at home where they were treated far more kindly. The existence of the great universities of the east demonstrate that plenty of people had not had a love of learning beaten out of them just yet, and when men entered a monastery they would often be taught how to read and write.
当我们讨论Unix时听说，富人的孩子可能在家里受到更加友好的待遇并接受教育。东部的一些大学的存在表明，许多人还没有失去学习的热情。而当人们进入修道院时，他们通常会接受读写的教育。
Speaking of learned men, listener B.B asks, I'm astounded that so much information exists about this period of time. How was this achieved? Any writings on parchment or other materials would have disintegrated. Perhaps librarians perpetually rewrote them, but I assume that the number of literate persons was relatively small, so that there were only a handful of trained people that were capable of doing this.
说到有学问的人，听众B.B问道：“我很惊讶关于这段时间存在如此多的信息。这是怎么实现的？任何记录在羊皮纸或其它材料上的文字都会腐烂。或许图书馆管理员一直在重写它们，但我认为有能力这样做的有读写能力的人相对较少，所以只有少数受过培训的人有这个能力。”
And how were the parchment stored, indexed, or organized? How were these libraries paid for and who had the privilege of using them? Was the work performed by monks or scholars? How did such materials survive the ravages of war? And what kept such records from being purged by an emperor intent on changing history?
羊皮纸是怎么储存、编目或组织的？这些图书馆是怎么资助的，谁可以享有使用它们的特权？修士或学者完成了这些工作吗？这些材料是如何经历了战争的摧残而保存下来的？是什么让这些记录没有被想要改变历史的皇帝删除？
I include the whole question to give you a sense of all the issues. I don't actually plan on answering all of it. But as you can see, to answer it fully would probably need a whole new podcast, or if you want. There are plenty of good books on the subject. For example, scribes and scholars, a guide to the transmission of Greek and Latin literature by LD Reynolds and N.G. Wilson.
我把整个问题都列在这里，让你们对所有问题都有个概念。我实际上不打算回答所有问题。但是，你们可以看到，要完整回答这个问题可能需要一个全新的播客，或者如果你们想要的话。这个问题有很多好书，例如LD Reynolds和N.G. Wilson所著的《抄写员和学者：希腊和拉丁文学传承指南》。
Within the question, listener BB has answered many of his own queries. Anything written on any kind of paper will eventually decay. A few texts have amazingly survived centuries, but usually only because they were sealed or stored somewhere dry and out of the reach of human civilization. For the vast majority of texts, if they weren't copied, then they wouldn't survive.
在这个问题中，听众BB回答了他自己的许多疑问。任何种类的纸制品迟早都会腐烂。有些文本神奇地存活了几个世纪，但通常是因为它们被密封或存放在某个干燥并且人类文明无法触及的地方。对于绝大多数文本来说，如果它们没有被复制，它们就无法存活下来。
In a way the real answer to this question is that listener BB shouldn't be astounded by how much survives from this period. We just about have the sixth century covered, thanks to Procopius, and yes, there are a few other writers from the same period, but actually I've quoted most of those authors during the podcast. That's maybe five or six men covering a hundred years of history. The reality is that so few texts did survive from antiquity that our knowledge of certain people and events is hugely biased because we only have one source to tell us about them.
其实，对于听众BB来说，这个问题的真正答案是，我们不应该惊讶于这个时期保存下来的情况。归功于普罗科比乌斯，我们几乎已经覆盖了六世纪的历史，确实还有一些同期的作家，但实际上在播客中我已经引用了这些作者中的大部分。这可能只有五六个人在讲述一百年的历史。事实上，古代幸存下来的文本非常少，我们对某些人和事件的了解非常有偏见，因为我们只有一个来源来告诉我们他们的情况。
Writers like Procopius would indeed have been copied by both scholars and monks. I'm sure many of you have heard of the work of Irish missionaries in copying Latin texts, or the great efforts by the Muslim scholars of Baghdad, or of those under Charlemagne to increase the available texts by great efforts of copying. In Byzantium the situation was similar. The universities had libraries which did some copying and plenty of monasteries which did the same. It's accurate to say that most of the time there were only a select number of men capable and available to do this, and they would of course select which texts they wanted to copy.
像Procopius这样的作家确实会被学者和修士们抄录。我相信你们中的许多人都听说过爱尔兰传教士复制拉丁文本的工作，或巴格达的穆斯林学者以及查理曼领导下进行大量复制以增加可用文本的努力。在拜占廷，情况类似。大学有图书馆进行一些复制，还有许多修道院也这样做。准确地说，大多数时间只有少数几个有能力和有空来做这种工作的人，他们当然会选择想要复制的文本。
Many books are referenced in what survives that we no longer have copies of. How did these texts survive war? Many didn't. We know that when Constantinople fell in 1453 and leading up to that event many Byzantines fled west taking their books with them, but many did not, and so many texts were lost. Obviously the fact that Constantinople was not sacked for a good 900 years helped many texts to survive.
有很多书籍在我们现在已经没有副本的情况下被参考。这些文本是如何在战争中幸存下来的呢？很多文本没有幸免。我们知道，当君士坦丁堡在1453年被攻陷时，许多拜占庭人向西逃离，并带着他们的书。但是很多人没有这么做，因此很多文本丢失了。显然，君士坦丁堡大约900年来没有被洗劫过，这有助于许多文本得以幸存。
The Byzantines would often send books to foreign governments as gifts which helped in a small way to spread ancient writing, and the Theodosian walls did protect a good number of texts inside the city. Whether they be the university library, the palace library, the library of the patriarch, or of those wealthy citizens who cared to collect. Some books, therefore, did manage to survive both the Crusader sack of 1204 and the final fall in 1453, and the fact that wealthy men and various monasteries still valued ancient texts is another crucial point in their survival.
拜占庭人经常将书籍送给外国政府作为礼物，这在一定程度上有助于传播古代文化。而提奥多尔城墙也保护了不少城内的图书，包括大学图书馆、宫殿图书馆、牧首图书馆以及那些富有的个人收藏家。因此，一些书籍得以在1204年十字军洗劫和1453年灭亡之间幸存下来。富有的人和各个修道院仍然重视古代文献也是它们幸存下来的重要原因之一。
Despite the increasing Christianization, the Byzantines never turned on their past. In fact, elite culture continued to value many of the classical works of antiquity aiding their survival. Although these men would probably not copy out texts themselves, their interest in preserving the written word helped provide sponsorship and a market for the reproduction of texts. There were no public libraries, so we rely on the work of private state or church collections.
尽管基督教化日益加强，拜占庭人从未背叛过他们的过去。事实上，精英文化继续重视许多古代经典作品，这有助于它们的存续。虽然这些人可能不会亲自抄写文本，但是他们对维护文字的兴趣有助于为文本的复制提供赞助和市场。因为没有公共图书馆，所以我们只能依靠私人国家或教堂收藏的工作。
Finally, the question about an emperor editing history is an interesting one. Perhaps as I go along I will learn more about the emperor's direct involvement with collections that existed.
最后，有关一位皇帝编辑历史的问题是一个有趣的问题。也许随着我学习更多关于这位皇帝与现有收藏品的直接关系，我会了解得更多。
The point I'd make about that though is many of the histories which survive were approved by or written for an emperor. Procopius's accounts of the wars were published while Justinian was alive. Much of the criticism we perceive in them comes from comparing what he wrote for public consumption against the secret history where he was far harsher.
我想强调的是，很多幸存的历史记录都是经过皇帝批准或写给皇帝看的。Procopius关于战争的记述在朱庇特尼安还活着的时候出版了。我们在这些记述中感受到很多批评，是通过将他为公众写的内容与他更狠的《秘史》进行对比得出的。
And the major accounts of the lives of say Constantine and Heraclius who's coming up next in our story were written specifically by their admirers who were glorifying the lives of their patron. So in many cases the empress had no fear of their own press and probably encouraged criticism of their predecessors or rivals.
那些如同我们故事中即将出现的君主康斯坦丁和黑拉克留的生活大事主要是由他们的追随者所写的，这些人在赞美他们的官长以及他们的生活。所以在许多情况下，女皇并不担心自己的媒体宣传，甚至可能鼓励对前任或竞争对手的批评。
But it would be hard for the emperor to edit the past once histories had been copied and passed outside the empress borders. And I think as we'll see the empress control of their own territory became increasingly insecure over the 7th and 8th centuries.
如果历史已经被复制并传到了皇帝的领土之外，那么皇帝想修改过去就会很困难。我认为，随着时间的推移，我们将看到女皇对自己领土的控制在7世纪和8世纪变得越来越不稳定。
So it would be much harder than it was for say Augustus when he tried to have Mark Antony purged from the public record. Right that's all for the questions today.
因此，这比奥古斯都困难得多，当他试图将马克·安东尼从公共记录中清除时。好的，今天的问题就这些了。
Next week we reach the end of our 6th century question and answer session by looking at the issue of identity in Byzantium.
下周我们将通过探讨拜占庭帝国的身份问题来结束我们的第六个世纪问答环节。
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