What is a virtue and what is a vice? What does it mean to be good? These are questions we ask ourselves in relation to society, oneself and perhaps one's God. In this series I'm going to be joined by Hannah Sauer, who is an Associate Professor at the University of Utrecht in the Philosophy Department. Hello, welcome. Now you are working, as I understand it, on the evolutionary basis of morality. Are right and wrong or virtue and vice something we can see as a function of evolution of our adapted natures? Yes, it's not only about that, but it plays an important part and I think we ignore the fact that we are evolved creatures, that we are a product of natural processes of mutation and selection and inheritance. We ignore that at our peril. I think if we want to study what morality is, how it functions, what it can be and what it's supposed to be, we benefit a lot from studying its origins.
So this is an old project. It's basically the Nietzschean project of the genealogy of morality, where you try to investigate where do our norms and values come from and what does that tell us about which of them are good or bad, which of them are desirable or undesirable, which of them should be embraced and which of them should be abandoned. And evolutionary theory is now one, perhaps one of the most powerful tools and theoretical conceptual frameworks that allow us to pursue this genealogical project at the level of modern science with the best available evidence and the best available theoretical tools to understand where morality comes from. It's not the whole story, but I think it's a very, very important part that we cannot really ignore.
And where is our understanding of that at the moment? I mean, when you go to the back of the beginning of genealogy, where do we start? I mean, when evolutionary theory, it's not that old, right? It's like 170 years old. And of course, it was always met with resistance. And part of the resistance was, I think, normatively morally motivated because people thought that it paints this bleak picture of the world and it paints this very, very grim and unforgiving picture of what life is like, animal life and also human animal life. And one big thought was that if it's really true that we have this struggle for survival and it's all about competition and about nature, red and tooth and claw, and just ruthlessness gets you ahead.
If that's what shapes species and if that's what life is about, you couldn't possibly have anything noble or altruistic or hopeful. You couldn't have any ideals. You couldn't have self-sacrifice. You couldn't have just even basic kindness. And I think it took a long while for people to appreciate that that is not true. That conflict between the seemingly ruthlessly competitive picture painted by evolutionary theory, biological evolution, and the kinds of traits and virtues and vices and moral attitudes that we want to understand, being nice, being kind, being altruistic, compassionate, caring about fairness and equality and so on, that that conflict was merely apparent.
And it just took a deeper understanding of how evolution works to get to a point where we could understand, ah, that's how basic features of morality can evolve and can be reconciled with the picture painted by evolution. I was going to say, is part of that shift when we started to get the deeper understanding that allow the discovery of DNA and the genetic framework. I think there's a very, in terms of a sort of popular understanding, Richard Dawkins' book titled The Selfish Gene, which of course itself contains a moral judgment. Is that a helpful way of understanding it or does it. It is, it is, and it's funny as you say that because I think The Selfish Gene is perhaps the most misunderstood title in the history of the 20th century in science, at least, in non-fiction, at least.
It just invites this misunderstanding that the point of the book is supposed to be we are evolved creatures and therefore hopelessly selfish, and that's never going to change. In fact, once we, as you said, put the evolutionary framework of natural selection of traits, once we put that together with an understanding of how genes work and what they are, and we combine these two and think about the relation between these two mechanisms of mutation and selection and inheritance. We can then see that it's precisely because genes are the basic unit that is subjected to this process of natural selection, where basic forms of altruism can come from, because we care about other beings, because they are, they house essentially copies of our genes.
So it's the gene itself that selfish world can actually. Exactly, exactly. It's the gene that selfish, and it's the selfishness of the gene. It's a bit of a metaphor, of course, but genes are copy making things, and they use certain vehicles, us, organisms, to make copies of themselves, and that makes these organisms non-selfish, because in order to reproduce successfully, you need to care very deeply about people that are related to you and then carry your genes. And that's only the most basic form of altruism, of course, where you care about other people because they are very closely related to you, but it is, of course, one of the most intense forms of selection in favor of a kind of altruistic trait, because we are all the descendants of people that cared about their kids, right? And all the people who didn't care about their kids, they never came to descendants, because they're just not around anymore.
And so that is a basic insight. It's called kin-selection or inclusive fitness, where we started to understand, and that was in the middle of the 20th century, those after World War II, where we started to understand, okay, if we've put natural selection together with certain other types of knowledge about how biology works, we can understand how basic forms of morality, altruism, and cooperation emerge. We can then layer on top of that an understanding of other types of mechanisms that lead to different forms of cooperation and mutual support and helping and an orientation towards the common good.
One of the things that I think intuitively people think of this can't be adaptive. Is there an evolutionary or an adaptive account we can supply that would be satisfactory of certain behaviors such as somebody giving their life for either to protect others, or for an ideal, to give your life for an abstract cause, which we know people do? Yeah, if by doing something that will get you killed, you thereby save your 10 kids, then it's clear that that makes sense for instance. So there's no difficulty in providing the evolutionary account of that. Then in many cases, you have a less straightforward connection between self-sacrifice leading towards your own demise and the benefits of that.
Now, it could just be that there is just a sort of mental illness that makes people act this way. So in that case, it would be fine and we wouldn't need to supply an evolutionary explanation. It could also be true. Right, it could be maladaptive. It could be just like some people engage in self-destructive behavior and substance abuse, so on and so on. That could be an explanation where you would just wouldn't need to account for it, like where's the indirect adaptiveness. But you can also tell very subtle types of stories.
So an evolutionary story could be a kind of misfiring story. Right? So we still have sexual attraction and sexual arousal and sexual desire. Even when we know that everyone involved is using contraception, for instance. Now, sexual desire and arousal was in a way selected for and the function it performs is to make people intensely motivated to reproduce. Right? And to seek out opportunities for reproduction. And it still does that. Even when the physical conditions for successful reproduction are not present, because everyone's using effective contraceptive, that kind of knowledge has no effect on sexual arousal.
Now, that's kind of misfiring where a trait that has evolved to perform a certain type of function is still triggered and set off by certain conditions in the environment. Even when that kind of function couldn't be adequately or successfully performed under those specific conditions. Now, for instance, with terrorists who commit suicidal bombings or something like that. That is something that's a little bit of a mystery. Why do people do that? But it could be a misfiring like that where a trait to display heroism for the group in a very, very publicly visible and risky way. That kind of trait could have an evolutionary rationale.
And it kind of misfires because it can generalize in weird and flexible cultural species like us. It can generalize into areas where it doesn't have any reproductive benefits anymore, which it arguably doesn't. Unless you do something for the reputation of your family, there could also be that story. But it could just be a misfiring of a trait that otherwise works for you where you were being very, very courageous and willing to take risks in combat for the group. Risking your own demise has very high rewards in principle. It could be a story like that.
I'm not entirely sure which one of these is correct. But certainly the lesson that we can draw from decades of research on this is that usually when people say, I bet you can't explain that with evolution, usually a couple of years later people come with a very, very plausible story for how that works. Now, I do. Now, you touched earlier on this idea of different levels of selection, different levels of adaptation. It might not just be the gene, but also the meme. And your book tracks the history of morality through biology and through culture and through philosophy. And how these different strands, as you see it, tie together. Because most of the morality that we talk about now is quite highly codified. It's a cultural inheritance or feels like a cultural inheritance more than likely. How does the cultural build on top of evolution?
Yeah, I mean, we are clearly the species that by far, I mean nothing else can be even close to it, that by far generates the most intricate and complex and rich reservoir of cultural knowledge and skills and institutions and information and norms and practices and rituals. The thing about us is that we are not just cultural beings, but we are capable of producing cumulative culture. So one generation does something, hands it down to the next generation. That generation modifies and improves it a little bit and then bequests these modifications and improvements to the next generation.
So that accumulates over generations over hundreds of years, thousands of years, hundreds of thousands of years. We get that kind of very, very speedy process of evolutionary change that accumulates over time. And we are extremely good at social learning, which is absorbing information not just via genetic transmission, which always takes one generation. You need to make new people to transmit that kind of information. When I tell you something, it's very quick, right? We don't need to wait 15 years for the next generation to be produced, but it's very, very quick and spreads much more quickly.
That sets off a process of co-evolution between cultural inheritance and genetic inheritance, which feed back into each other. They feed back into the sense that certain cultural behaviours will shape who gets to reproduce. Exactly. So being a really good storyteller, being a really good cook, being really good at language, being really good at dancing, that could be an advantage from now on. So any kind of thing that would depend on social learning will then be favoured by natural selection in this cultural environment. And that's exactly what we've seen. And we've seen that, you know, basically the upright posture and the way that we look today shaped by cooking skills.
We have reduced the size of our gut by externalising most of our digestion, right? By cutting things up and fermenting them and cooking them and so on and so on. And that allows us to save energy. So the big belly goes away and we can all invest in these ridiculous heads that we have. And that's what happened. So here you see a co-evolution between cultural techniques and how these create then the kind of niche in which the rest of our biological evolution happens. And once we have that, we can also have cultural diversity. We can have different styles of dress and we can also have different norms. We can have different rituals for initiation, different expectations for who gets to eat what, different gender roles and so on and so on.
And that is the kind of world that we still live in today, one with intense plasticity and flexibility and an enormous amount of an enormously rich cultural heritage that we have become utterly dependent on. I've been talking to a number of the other speakers in this series quite a lot about virtue ethics. The idea that's locust for the good is in the individual and how that jostles with more communitarian ideas of the ideology of goodness. Do you see an evolutionary account? I mean, how an evolutionary account of it? Do you see that fitting in? Is there only room really for the communitarian idea of the good?
No, lots of room for that. So one of the. When you ask people what's the list of virtues, people often mention honesty for instance. And we can tell a very, very convincing story why we care so much about honesty and trust. Because again, for individuals from a species who are intensely dependent on acquiring information from other people, right, there is an enormous problem which is that we don't want to acquire false information. We don't want to be deceived. We don't want to be fed falsehoods because we depend on the skills that we want to learn and the stuff that we want to know to be accurate.
So already you have an idea for why it would be enormously important to moralize your quality as someone who transmits information, which is the virtue of honesty, right? Being an honest person just means that that person is trustworthy when it comes to transmitting information and skills because that person is unlikely to lie. That person is unlikely to lie even under pressure, for instance, that person is unlikely to be not even about lying, but to be wrong, to be a bullshitter, to be opportunistic and so on and so on and so on.
So I don't think there's any conflict at all between a virtue ethical story and these other types of stories. Usually when you look at either everyday moralizing or professional moral philosophy, you see that what happens in everyday moralizing but also in professional moral philosophy is that people just trying to articulate very, very subtly. The internal perspective on these rationales that can be looked at from the outside and then allow for an evolutionary description, but it's really the same thing. It's like describing a painting as a chemical mix on the canvas versus a depiction of a story that's in all its aesthetic qualities. Both are legitimate and I think both are indispensable.
It's not like you could tell the evolutionary story about how morality works and once you've understood where honesty comes from and why it's so important to us, you don't need the internal perspective anymore. No, in everyday interaction between you and me and third person is on its own. It's very valuable social currency and vocabulary and form mutual understanding. I'm just going to tell you that person isn't really honest with you. Or that person, I wouldn't trust that person. That still remains a legitimate language game, so to speak, that performs its function for us and in the way that we organize our life together.
But at the same time, we can also tell an underlying story about why that became important in the first place because it's very, very important. It's not an accident that it's so important for us and for other animals that don't depend on acquiring information horizontally from other members of their species. They don't moralize honesty so much. No, of course. There's a distinction that anthropologists make, I think, between guilt cultures and shame cultures, one of which essentially morality is internalized in one of them. It's semi-outs to the tribe.
Is there a sort of chronological relationship between these as you see it? I mean, do we start with shame cultures and move to the idea that morality is internalized and therefore more? Usually the idea is that you have these two different types of responding emotionally to bad behavior, your own bad behavior. If you've done something wrong, some sort of transgression has happened, you can respond with shame or you can respond with guilt, and the idea is that shame targets more the whole person. So the reactions are accordingly, you want to hide yourself, you want to sink into the ground, you want to disappear, and so on and so on.
That seems to be a very universal culture, universal reaction to things that elicit shame. And guilt would be more action-focused. It's more like, you know, I did something wrong. It doesn't mean I'm a terrible person in general, even if this one thing was a terrible thing to do, but it sort of doesn't target the whole person. And some people think that there is a kind of historical, I wouldn't say progression, but a tendency of societies to move from a stronger emphasis on shame, as they grow in technological sophistication, economic productivity, group size, and so on and so on, to move on to a somewhat stronger emphasis on guilt.
I'm not entirely sure that that story will in the end be fully vindicated, but it could be that there's something about small-scale interaction that makes it make shame more relevant, because you interact with people that you know and that know you as a whole person, rather than interacting with someone just once or twice, where it's only really the thing that you moralize, it's only really this one thing that this person did. I'm not entirely sure whether I would buy into this historical narrative, but apparently this is a distinction that you find in when you look at different societies and different cultures.
And you touched on this, I've done a question of how we still have sexual urges, even when perceptions evolve and so on. Historically, moral codes in very many religions are very preoccupied with the question of sex, and if we're producing an adaptive account of morality, why is it that so many morality is a keen on policing that most natural of urges? Yeah, I mean, we always, basically every society, police is with a surprisingly high degree of intensity. These existential things, food is usually moralized, and it doesn't have to be the 600 rules in Judaism. Nowadays, we have intense rules around food as well, right? And if you want to go out in Paris or something, there's going to be at least 600 rules that you implicitly obey. Exactly, the tipping and all the demeanour and so on and so on. Just intensely, normatively structured. Birth, death, these types of questions are always policed. They're always moralized in some way.
It can be totally, you know, libertarianistic, or it can be totally coercive and repressive, but there's going to be some type of moralization that people associate. With that, in sex is another one of these very important topics that is that every society obsesses about. So in the 60s and 70s, you have, okay, now we want to have this type of freedom from capitalism and from oppression and so on and so on. Okay, how does sex look now for people like us? And then they have some idea of that. And now these days we have a very intense focus, perhaps, on vulnerability and marginalization and discrimination and disadvantage, and then our thinking and moralizing about sex becomes obsessed with these features. And some of that is legitimate and some overshoot the target, as always, with any social movement and any social revolution.
So I would just say it's probably very understandable that we can't intensity about sex and love and everything that's associated with it, so we end up moralizing it and policing it and coming up with norms that reflect who we are and how we want to live together. At the same time, we also see that there is this great flexibility in what the kinds of norms are that we police sexual behavior with and human beings have lived in all sorts of arrangements. But you think if it was such a fundamental issue to do with reproductions, those norms wouldn't be so widely varying if our sexual morality is adaptive species-wide. How do you account for the fact that, actually? I think it's just because the sexual norms interact with other types of structures in society, power structures, wealth, technology, political structures, and so on and so on.
So that's why once you move on for the first time, a couple thousand years ago, twelve thousand, but likely not more. Once you move on to very intense social stratification and hierarchy, you find that sexuality and access to sexual opportunities also becomes hierarchical and you get these intensely polygynous societies where a tiny group of wealthy men acquire dozens, hundreds of women and really a large amount of the males in that society are shut out from reproduction entirely. That can survive for a while, given the kind of society that that system is set up in, but it can also be replaced by a competing system. So at one point in time, cultures came up with the idea that maybe we should have a kind of normative monogamy.
Maybe we don't want to have the situation where you have a bunch of wealthy, old men monopolizing all the women. Because that doesn't benefit the women, it doesn't benefit 99% of the men, so maybe we can have something else and we can have a basically one-on-one kind of situation. And that turned out to be much preferable to the vast majority of people, not everyone, of course, not to the people who used to have the men who used to have the patriarchy and the harem. But it turned out to be beneficial for the vast majority of people and, interestingly, it also turned out to be hugely beneficial for kids because basically that kind of arrangement is a huge improvement when it comes to what kind of learning environment is created for a child. Because it's basically a kind of social scaffolding that encourages fathers to invest much more energy and time and knowledge transmission into their kids.
Because they have much more. They have kids, they're around much more. And that turns out to be a huge factor in also accelerating culture evolution, because again, for social learners like us, growing up in an environment that's much better for facilitating social learning is a huge boost. In fact, that is what happened and that's why this norm of normative monogamy spread very easily to various different cultures and gradually replaced intense forms of patriarchal sexual inequality. That really worked to the benefit of only a very, very small number of men.
Now, to wind up, because I'm afraid we're only having time, so many accounts through the history of morality say that you have a nature which, and mastering that nature, going against that nature is part of the essence of morality, that you control your base impulses, animal instinct, so we want to put it. Is that just plain wrong? I think it's mostly wrong. I think it's mostly wrong. The illusion that that is what morality is about is that we notice the demands that morality makes on us, only in cases when that conflict between what I'd like to do and what I'm supposed to do arises.
Normally, there isn't really that conflict. Now we want to have a conversation and we are guided by norms and moral principles, but it's fine. We don't feel a conflict between that re-electo steel as well now. It just doesn't come up because it's guiding our behavior very, very fundamentally. We take turns and there's a whole rule book, a set of virtues that we live by that are part and parcel of what is good for us and what is part of our human nature and what is in our self-interest.
It's only that we feel the awkwardness of morality and the coercion of these requirements and principles only when there's sometimes a situation arising where we'd rather do something else right now. I think mostly that's wrong, that conflict between human nature and virtue is largely illusory. I would say that, of course, in order to live well, there's always going to be an element of delaying gratification, of getting up in the morning, being conscientious, being fair to other people.
There's always an element of control in that, of discipline, impulse control, foresight, not being driven by the deepest, wildest passions all the time. In that sense, I think that's the sort of phenomenology of virtue, I think, but there's not a deep conflict that in order to be virtuous, we need to suppress our real nature. In fact, I would suspect that that's a little bit of a Christian heritage where this idea that morality is about self-negation and rejecting physical impulses and so on and so on, that that's the core of morality, being a monk, being a saint, and so on but I don't think that is a very attractive picture anymore.
We've kept some elements of Christian morality around because they seem not so bad, but there are some other aspects where I think we're not so livable anymore and not so attractive anymore, and that's maybe where that picture comes from, it's mostly, I think, incorrect. Thank you, Adisar. Thank you very much. Thank you. Thank you.