Vertigo - The Rise and Fall of Weimar Germany. Chapter 6: Traffic as the Art of Citizenship
发布时间 2025-02-23 12:44:28 来源
第六章，“交通作为公民的艺术”，考察了魏玛共和国时期德国交通、社会和个体体验之间复杂的关系。该章首先描绘了 1920 年代汽车保有量迅速增长的场景，并将其与早期私人汽车和司机的奢华形成对比。交通密度不断增加，既令人着迷又令人焦虑，反映了那个时代更广泛的社会变革和焦虑。本章探讨了交通如何被视为共存的流动，既成为连接的手段，又成为潜在危害的象征。
哲学家特奥多尔·莱辛 (Teodor Lessing) 早期对噪音污染的担忧被突出显示，预示了弗里茨·朗 (Fritz Lang) 的《大都会》等城市的反乌托邦景象。阿尔弗雷德·德布林 (Alfred Döblin) 的《柏林亚历山大广场》提供了一个关于这种焦虑的文学例证，主角弗兰茨·比伯科普夫 (Franz Biberkopf) 从监狱释放后，被城市混乱的交通所淹没，经历了一场“出生创伤”。城市本身成为了一个对手，摆脱了个人，并挑战了叙事和身份的传统观念。
柏林人口的迅速增长进一步加剧了这些焦虑，创造了一种生活在一个同时存在于现在和反乌托邦未来的城市中的感觉。交通堵塞和人群加剧了对迫在眉睫的“巴比伦和蛾摩拉”的恐惧，再加上对犯罪和恶习的担忧，将这座城市描绘成一个吞噬一切的怪物。
为了解决交通拥堵，城市规划师马丁·瓦格纳 (Martin Wagner) 设想了一个以交通需求为中心的现代高效城市。他为亚历山大广场制定的计划旨在通过多层主干道简化交通，并将行人、有轨电车和汽车的交通流量区分开来。虽然他的一些想法没有实现，但他设计的环形交叉路最终导致了一个美学上令人失望的空间，充斥着空地和空虚感。“贝洛里纳”雕像被移除，因为它被认为对于现代时代来说过于老旧，象征着这种向“无脂肪”城市景观的转变。
瓦格纳的愿景，既受功能性又受利润的驱动，试图将消费与交通流量结合起来，确保城市通过城市发展投资不断更新。这种愿景虽然具有进步性，但与保守主义理想相冲突，后者感叹传统的丧失和世界主义的兴起。
本章随后介绍了关于城市的对比视角。当保守派谴责城市生活时，约瑟夫·罗特 (Josef Roth) 等人拥抱城市及其基础设施，将“格莱斯德莱克” (Gleisdreieck) 视为充满活力的未来的象征。这引发了文化辩论，“沥青文学家”赞扬这座城市，而赫尔曼·普莱斯纳 (Hermann Plessner) 等人则提倡“谨慎”——一种巧妙的社会互动——作为在匿名城市生活中导航的一种手段。
本章强调了 Zekewid Karkawa 分析的交通灯和信号的重要性，反映了导航复杂城市环境所需的新形式的专注和直觉。普莱斯纳的理论，强调妥协和社会距离，在魏玛共和国社会的背景下尤其具有相关性，在这个社会中，不同的个体必须学会共存。
本章将“漫步者”（城市的观察者）的经历与汽车驾驶员的经历进行了对比。弗兰茨·赫塞尔 (Franz Hessel) 强调缓慢、审慎的漫步，挑战了速度崇拜。汽车被视为现代性和个人自由的象征，激发了贝尔托特·布莱希特 (Bertolt Brecht) 的诗歌创作，但也引发了对其破坏潜力的担忧。
本章最后探讨了 1920 年代女性和汽车形象的改变。从赋予女性驾驶权力的形象到关于事故的警示故事，汽车象征着女性独立的新时代。克莱奥尔·斯蒂尼斯 (Cleoore Stinis)、艾尔·卡曼 (Irre Kammann) 和鲁德·兰肖 (Roud Landshaw) 等人物体现了这种不断变化的格局，但本章也承认，并非所有女性都体验到了这种自由，并且存在着巨大的不平等。
Chapter 6, "Traffic as the Art of Citizenship," examines the complex relationship between traffic, society, and individual experience in Weimar Republic Germany. The chapter starts by setting the scene of the rapid increase in automobile ownership in the 1920s, contrasting it with the earlier luxury of private cars and chauffeurs. The increasing density of traffic becomes a source of both fascination and anxiety, mirroring the broader social changes and anxieties of the era. The chapter explores how traffic, viewed as the fluid of coexistence, became both a means of connection and a symbol of potential harm.
The philosopher Teodor Lessing’s early concerns about noise pollution are highlighted, foreshadowing the dystopian visions of cities like Fritz Lang's *Metropolis*. Alfred Döblin's *Berlin Alexanderplatz* provides a literary illustration of this anxiety, with the protagonist, Franz Biberkopf, experiencing a "birth trauma" upon his release from prison as he is overwhelmed by the city's chaotic traffic. The city itself becomes an antagonist, shaking off individuals and challenging traditional notions of narrative and identity.
The rapid growth of Berlin's population further intensified these anxieties, creating a sense of living in a city that existed simultaneously in the present and in a dystopian future. Traffic jams and crowds fueled fears of an impending "Babylon and Gomorrah," compounded by concerns about crime and vice, painting the city as a devouring monster.
To combat gridlock, city planner Martin Wagner envisioned a modern, efficient city centered around the needs of traffic. His plans for Alexanderplatz aimed to streamline movement with multi-level thoroughfares and differentiate traffic flows for pedestrians, trams, and cars. While some of his ideas didn't materialize, his roundabout design ultimately resulted in an aesthetically underwhelming space, marked by vacant lots and a sense of emptiness. The removal of the Berolina statue, deemed too old-fashioned for the modern age, symbolized this shift towards a "fat-free" urban landscape.
Wagner’s vision, driven by both functionality and profit, sought to integrate consumption with traffic flow, ensuring the city's continuous renewal through urban development investments. This vision, while progressive, clashed with conservative ideals, which lamented the loss of tradition and the rise of cosmopolitanism.
The chapter then introduces contrasting perspectives on the city. While conservatives condemned urban life, figures like Josef Roth embraced the city and its infrastructure, seeing the "Gleisdreieck" as a symbol of a dynamic future. This sparked cultural debates, with "asphalt literati" praising the city and figures like Hermann Plessner advocating for "tack" – tactful social interaction – as a means to navigate anonymous urban life.
The chapter highlights the significance of traffic lights and signals, as analyzed by Zekewid Karkawa, reflecting the new forms of concentration and intuition required to navigate the complex urban environment. Plessner's theories, emphasizing compromise and social distance, were particularly relevant in the context of Weimar Republic society, where diverse individuals had to learn to coexist.
The chapter contrasts the experiences of "flâneurs," observers of the city, with those of car drivers. Franz Hessel's emphasis on slow, deliberate strolling challenged the cult of speed. The motorcar was seen as a symbol of both modernity and individual freedom, inspiring poetry from Bertolt Brecht but also raising concerns about its destructive potential.
The chapter concludes by exploring the changing representations of women and cars in the 1920s. From the empowering images of women at the wheel to cautionary tales of accidents, the car symbolized a new era of female independence. Figures like Cleoore Stinis, Irre Kammann, and Roud Landshaw embodied this changing landscape, but the chapter also acknowledges that not all women experienced this freedom, and there were vast inequities at play.
中英文字稿 
Chapter 6 Traffic as the Art of Citizenship It was as if the earth suddenly lost its gravity and liberated me. I held tightly onto the steering wheel, but my feet were far away and found no purchase, and I myself was light and empty, and could fly safely through space, and my breath was also very light and almost superfluous. This era of freedom, brazenness, and petrol. Gabriela Taggot. Never too near or too far, the city and the sense of touch. Whether or people there is also traffic, traffic is the fluid of their coexistence, their motion in space, the transportation of their goods. The purpose of traffic is both to produce and to avoid contact. People want not only to reach one another but to pass by one another unharmed. People need each other, and they are afraid of each other. Both of these facts are proved daily in traffic. It is a mirror of desire, of unrest and vitality.
第六章 交通作为公民艺术
仿佛地球突然失去了引力，让我获得了自由。我紧握方向盘，但双脚却悬空无处着力，而我自己变得轻盈空灵，仿佛可以安全地在空间中飞行，连呼吸也变得轻微而几乎多余。这是一个自由、放肆和汽油的时代。加布里埃拉·塔戈特。
无论远近，城市和触感的存在。无论是人与人之间的交流，还是人与物之间的互动，交通就是他们共存的流动，是他们在空间中的运动和货物的运输。交通的目的既是产生接触也是避免接触。人们不仅希望能够互相到达，还希望能安全地互相错过。人们需要彼此，同时又害怕彼此。这两种事实每天都在交通中得到证明。交通是欲望、不安和活力的镜子。
In the Vima Republic, it assumed such density and such magnitude that it became frightening. Shortly after the war, private cars were still an absolute luxury. Those who owned them also had chauffeurs to ferry them around. But within a few years, cars became everyday objects. Between 1924 and 1932, ownership of privately owned vehicles in the German Reich multiplied fourfold, from around 132,000 to 497,000. In the same period, the number of lorries multiplied by five, from 30,000 to over 150,000. And within ten years, the number of motorcycles increased by a factor of 30 to 800,000. While horse-drawn carts still rattled along the country lanes, the rural calms seldom interrupted by automobiles. In the cities, the roar of combustion engines drove anyone with sensitive hearing to distraction.
在维玛共和国，汽车数量迅速增加，规模如此之大，以至于让人感到恐惧。战后不久，私人汽车仍被视为绝对奢侈品。拥有汽车的人通常还会雇佣司机来接送他们。然而，几年之内，汽车变得司空见惯。1924年至1932年间，德意志帝国的私人车辆数量增长了四倍，从大约13.2万辆增加到49.7万辆。在此期间，卡车数量翻了五倍，从3万辆增加到超过15万辆。在十年内，摩托车数量增长了30倍，达到80万辆。虽然乡间小路上仍有马车叮当响，但在城市里，内燃机的轰鸣声让那些对声音敏感的人无所适从。
400-pound power units belched their way coarsely along with a deep complacent roar. Shrill whistles ring out intermittently. Huge automobiles, record-breaking 800-pounders, groan, grunt, squeak, beep, and honk. Motorbikes hiss and snort through the silent night. These are the words of the philosopher Teodor Lessing, who had brought out a pamphlet urging caution, noise, a broadside against the loud sounds of our life, published as early as 1908. No end to growth was in sight, since motorbikes and cars were made increasingly cheap by assembly line manufacture and the cities were attracting more and more people, fantasies of the future made way for a dystopian density of traffic.
400磅重的动力装置发出粗犷的轰鸣声，伴随着深沉而满足的轰响前行。尖锐的汽笛声不时响起。巨大的汽车，打破纪录的800磅重，发出呻吟、咕哝、吱吱作响、嘟嘟声和喇叭声。摩托车在寂静的夜晚中发出嘶嘶声和喷气声。这些是哲学家特奥多尔·莱辛的话，他曾在1908年发表了一本小册子，敦促人们注意噪音，抨击生活中的喧闹声。由于流水线生产使摩托车和汽车越来越便宜，以及城市吸引了越来越多的人，未来的幻想让位于交通的拥堵景象，增长似乎没有尽头。
It seemed only logical that cities would soon look as Fritz Lang had prophesied in the 1927 silent science fiction film Metropolis. They would grow steeply upwards and downwards, and airplanes would float along the gorges between the buildings and under bridges that connected the residential towers at dizzying heights. The most vital German city novel so far, Alfred Dublin's Berlin Alexander Platz, was published in 1929, and begins with gridlock on an existential scale. The novel's main character, Franz Bieberkopf, is already unaccustomed to traffic after a long stay in prison. On the day of his release into life, as if from a protective womb, he is catapulted from the tram into the condensed tumult of Berlin, and he experiences a kind of birth trauma.
似乎很有道理，城市很快就会像弗里茨·朗在1927年的无声科幻电影《大都市》里预言的那样发展。城市将向上和向下快速扩展，飞机会在高楼之间的峡谷中穿行，并在连接高处住宅塔楼的桥下飞行。迄今为止，最重要的德国城市小说《柏林亚历山大广场》由阿尔弗雷德·迪布林于1929年出版，开篇即描绘了一种存在主义规模的交通瘫痪。小说的主人公弗朗茨·比伯科普夫在长时间入狱后已经不习惯城市的车流。在他出狱的那一天，就像从一个保护性的子宫中脱离，他被从电车上“抛”到柏林浓缩的喧嚣之中，经历了一种类似出生创伤的体验。
The raging traffic comes charging at him, nothing seems to want to stay in its place, even the roofs look as if they are slipping and about to plunge down upon him. Bieberkopf flees terrified into a house doorway. From now on, the trauma of the traffic won't leave him. But 60 passages in the novel are devoted to Bieberkopf's insecurity. Again and again he fears being thrown off by the city. He anxiously checks the roofs as he walks through Berlin to make sure that they aren't starting to slide. He is never allowed a relaxed stroll. He marches, he fights his way through, he runs against the city that its creator Dublin has organised as a hyperactive surface, a space that can rebel, that develops its own hub of voices and constantly addresses the protagonist.
汹涌的交通向他奔腾而来，似乎什么东西都不愿留在原处，甚至屋顶看上去仿佛在滑动，随时可能倾泻下来。比贝尔科夫惊恐地逃进了一栋建筑的入口。从那时起，交通带来的创伤便始终缠绕着他。在小说中，有60处描写了比贝尔科夫的不安。他一次次地害怕被这个城市抛弃。每当他走在柏林的街头，总是焦虑地检查屋顶，确认它们不会开始滑落。他从未能轻松地漫步，只能一个劲儿地努力前行，他与都柏林笔下极度活跃的城市表面对抗。这个城市像一个会反叛的空间，形成独特的声音中心，不断向主人公发出声音。
Here, the surroundings do not group themselves obediently around the main character as they might in a classic novel; they move according to their own laws, they can rise up and literally shake off a person. This is the modern city as man's antagonist. Much more than a mere dwelling place, it is a social space that can achieve autonomy and turn the movement of a human being into its opposite. And at the same time, it is a place of longing, full of promises and gripping density of experience. In the 30 years between 1875 and 1905, the number of inhabitants in Berlin had more than doubled from 1 million to 2. In the 10 years from 1920 until 1930, an additional 500,000 people had arrived, bringing the total to over 4.3 million; no one could have guessed that the peak had been reached.
在这里，周围环境不像经典小说中那样顺从地围绕着主角运转；它们按照自己的规律运作，甚至可以将人抛开。这座现代城市是人类的对抗者。它不仅仅是一个居住地，而是一个可以实现自主的社会空间，甚至能将人的行动转化为其对立面。同时，它也是一个充满渴望和承诺的地方，拥有丰富而紧张的体验。在1875到1905的30年间，柏林的人口从100万增加到200多万。在1920到1930的10年间，又增加了50万人之多，总数超过430万；没人能预见这已达到了顶峰。
Instead, they were sure that the city would become more and more cramped and that it would happen increasingly quickly. For many Berliners, the imagined future of their city existed alongside the present, as if in time-lapse; they lived with one foot in what was yet to come. Berlin presented itself as the fastest metropolis in the world, the symphony of the big city played constantly in the background, and the experience of the capital, which was in fact very quiet in some places, was overlaid by anticipated turbulence. Every traffic jam, every hint of a crowd prompted the anxious certainty that worse was on the way, Babylon and Gomorrah, the sci-fi version. Multiplyed with the threatened dangers from criminality and vice, the city was also perceived as a flourishing thicket and a devouring jungle, technology as hostile nature, a mollock, a devouring monster that threatened to consume its inhabitants.
相反，他们确信这座城市会变得越来越拥挤，而且这一切将越来越快地发生。对于许多柏林人来说，他们心中对城市的未来想象和现实共存，就好像在快速播放的影像中一样；他们一只脚站在未到来的未来。柏林自称是世界上发展最快的大都市，城市的交响曲不断在背景中演奏，尽管首都的某些角落实际上还很安静，被人们想象中的动荡所覆盖。每一次交通堵塞、每一个人群的迹象都让人焦虑地坚信，更糟糕的事情正在路上，仿佛现代版的巴比伦和所多玛。再加上犯罪和恶行带来的威胁，城市也被视为一个繁茂的丛林和吞噬的森林，科技被视作敌对的自然，一种莫洛克式的怪物，威胁着吞噬其居民。
The architect and city planner Martin Wagner, Berlin's municipal building surveyor since 1926, had been brought in to keep gridlock at bay. In a series of lectures and essays that coincided with the publication of Durblin's novel, The Passionate Social Democrat, inspired by the possibility of planning the future and by the immensity of the tasks that it involved, set out how he imagined the reconstruction of the city in accordance with the needs of the future. Wagner saw himself as the director of the global city, and the city itself as the constructive housing of a machine for work and comfortable living. During the example of Alexander Platz, he wanted to show what modern city planning was capable of doing. The square of a global city is a sluice for traffic, almost constantly full, the clearing point of a network of veins of the first order he explained. Traffic must be guided across the square with as much speed and clarity and as little interruption as possible.
自1926年以来一直担任柏林市政建筑测量师的建筑师兼城市规划师马丁·瓦格纳被邀请来防止交通瘫痪。在与杜布林小说《激情的社会民主党人》同时期的一系列演讲和文章中，瓦格纳灵感源自规划未来的可能性以及其涉及的巨大任务，阐述了他如何根据未来的需求想象城市的重建。瓦格纳视自己为全球城市的导演，而城市本身则是一个为工作和舒适生活提供保障的机器。他以亚历山大广场为例，展示了现代城市规划的潜力。他解释说，一个全球城市的广场就像是交通的闸道，几乎时刻充满，是一级公共通道网络的集散地。交通必须以最快的速度和最清晰的方式穿过广场，尽量减少中断。
But Wagner, one of the first profits of the car-friendly city, had more in mind than merely cutting his way through the confusion of the streets and airing cramped neighborhoods with wide avenues. He suggested a differentiation of thoroughfares. Pedestrians, trams, cars, horse-drawn hackney carriages, hand carts and cyclists would no longer have to fight against one another, but would instead be guided in a circle at different levels. The car's multi-story roundabout might have come to nothing, but in Alexander Platz, Wagner did introduce a roundabout, although here it assumed an elliptical form. Once it had been completed, the result was sobering. The cars now curved spatiously around on the large ellipse, while the tram lines crossed in the empty middle of the square. Two office blocks unadorned in the Neuer-Zachlichkeit style, but very elegant, with impressive cubic light towers on their frontages lined the square to the west.
瓦格纳是首批支持汽车友好型城市的先驱之一，他的设想不仅仅是通过宽阔的街道来缓解街道的拥挤和改善拥挤的社区环境。他提出了交通道路的分区设计：行人、电车、汽车、马拉车、手推车和自行车将不再相互争斗，而是通过不同层次的环形通道加以引导。尽管多层汽车环岛的构想未能实现，但在亚历山大广场，瓦格纳确实引入了一个环形交通设计，不过是椭圆形。建成后，结果显得有些令人失望。车辆现在可以在大椭圆形环道上宽敞地行驶，而电车轨道则穿过广场中央的空地。广场西侧矗立着两座新客观主义风格的办公楼，外观简约但十分优雅，正面配有醒目的立方形灯塔。
The eastern edge was worse. It didn't actually exist. A generous space had been created here with the wrecking ball, but there was no money left to build on the vacant lots. In 1929, because of the looming global economic crisis, the investors pulled out, so the huge empty spaces simply continued to yawn there. Later, the anti-urban void would conform to National Socialist Taste, and the urban planners of the GDR were also happy with it. It's rough lack of welcome remains unique to the square, even today. Until Martin Wagner's rebuilding measures, Alexander Platz had been an intoxicatingly beautiful but also chaotic place. The many department stores and shops, including the Hamantit store, with supposedly the longest shop facade in Europe, the huge central market hall where the horse carts of the farmers from the surrounding countryside regularly caused traffic jams in the morning, the short and long-distance railway lines, the grand hotel, huge numbers of office blocks, and restaurants such as the famous Ashinga, all meant large crowds.
东部边缘的情况更糟。实际上，它根本不存在。这里曾经被拆除后空出一大片空间，但已经没有资金在这些空地上进行建设。1929年，由于全球经济危机迫在眉睫，投资者纷纷撤资，结果是，这片巨大的空地就这样持续地敞开在那里。后来，这种反城市化的空地竟然符合了国家社会主义的品味，甚至东德的城市规划者也对此颇为满意。这种粗糙的、不欢迎人的特质，至今仍是广场独有的。在马丁·瓦格纳进行重建措施之前，亚历山大广场曾是一个令人陶醉的美丽却混乱的地方。众多的百货商店和商铺，包括据说拥有欧洲最长店面外墙的哈曼提特商店，巨大的中央市场大厅，周边农民的马车早晨常常在此造成交通堵塞，短途和长途的铁路线，豪华的大酒店，大量的办公楼，以及像著名的阿兴伽这样的餐馆，所有这些都吸引了大量人群。
At the middle of the whole thing stood Berolina, a colossal 14-meter figure in a chainmail vest who was supposed to embody the proud city of Berlin. And she embodied it fairly well, with her surprisingly charming features. But after the reconstruction, stout Berolina no longer matched her roadworthy clearing point. She was two 18th century for the Berlin magistrate, and urban surveyor Wagner had always imagined the spirit of the new age as being fat-free. The modern mass, he wrote, wishes to appear fat-free like an aeroplane, a diesel locomotive, an engine, etc. So Buxem Berolina ended up in storage. She would only be reinstalled to the applause of an emotional Berlin populace by the Nazi magistrate. But that was a deceptive triumph typical of the Nazis. In 1942, Berolina was finally melted down for munitions production.
在整个事件的中心位置，矗立着贝罗琳娜，一座14米高的巨型雕像，身穿锁子甲，象征着自豪的柏林市。她的外表意外地富有魅力，非常好地代表了柏林。但在城市重建后，结实的贝罗琳娜不再适合她的空档位置。对于柏林市政府来说，她显得过于18世纪，而城市规划师瓦格纳总是希望新时代的精神是无脂的。正如他所写的，现代大众希望看起来像飞机、柴油机车、引擎等那样轻盈。因此，丰满的贝罗琳娜被存放了起来。她最终在纳粹政府的推动下重新被安装，赢得了情绪激动的柏林市民的掌声。然而，这只是纳粹典型的虚假胜利。1942年，贝罗琳娜最终被熔化，用于生产军火。
When they saw the new plan for the square, the horrified managers of Teats Department Store declared themselves willing to give its wonderful, vilhemine facade with its opulent curves and the proud atlas figure on the gable, a functionalist redesign. So great was the fear of being swept away by Berlin's dynamic planning project. Martin Wagner dreamed of a city that could rebuild itself generation after generation, a constant spirit of renewal, but the costs of demolition and reconstruction had to be covered at top speed. For that reason, he defined the ideal plan for a global city not only as having the smoothest possible crossing traffic, but as producing a profit. He said, the flowing traffic in the square must be set against the standing traffic that holds tightly onto the purchasing power of the crowds of people crossing the square. Shops, bars, department stores, offices, etc. In that way, one arrives at a concentration of buildings whose alignments must be adjacent to the lines of motion of the pedestrians, which is to say the purchasing power.
当他们看到广场的新规划时，泰茨百货商店的经理们感到无比震惊，他们愿意对商店那充满曲线美和自豪的阿特拉斯雕像的壮美威廉风格立面进行功能主义的重新设计。这是因为对柏林活力四射的规划项目感到被淘汰的恐惧如此之大。马丁·瓦格纳梦想着一座能在一代又一代中重建自己的城市，始终保持着不断更新的精神，但拆除和重建的费用必须尽快支付。因此，他定义的全球化城市的理想规划不仅要拥有最顺畅的通行交通，还要能够盈利。他说，广场上的流动交通必须与聚集在广场上人流中的购买力紧密结合。商店、酒吧、百货公司、办公室等建筑需要集中在行人移动的路线旁边，也就是购买力所在的地方。
In Wagner's plans, consumption had almost exactly as great a part to play as traffic, since in the end someone had to pay for this permanent progress. Every 25 years urban construction investments were to bring in a profit so that the next generation was able to engage in a redesign. In our time, there is no longer any place for petrified eternal values, he said. If every generation could rebuild the city as they saw fit, the aesthetic problem of urban development would solve itself. Wagner believed that happiness could be built, rationalized and fairly distributed by planning measures. For conservatives, this was a hideous idea, a gratuitous destruction of natural order and inequality. For most of them, the cities with Berlin at their head were irrevocably lost, breeding grounds of cosmopolitanism and cultural Bolshevism, women's emancipation and liberalism.
在瓦格纳的规划中，消费几乎与交通同样重要，因为最终必须有人为这一持续的进步买单。每隔25年，城市建设投资应该带来收益，以便下一代能够进行重新设计。他说，在我们的时代，不再有任何地方能容纳那些永恒不变的价值观。如果每一代都能按照自己的意愿重建城市，那么城市发展的审美问题将自行解决。瓦格纳相信，通过规划措施可以构建幸福，实现理性化并公平分配。对于保守派来说，这是一种可怕的想法，是对自然秩序和不平等的无端破坏。在他们中的大多数人眼中，以柏林为首的城市已无可挽回地堕落，成为世界主义和文化布尔什维克主义、女性解放和自由主义的温床。
In 1918 and 1922, the philosopher Osvald Schbingler, the supplier of culturally pessimistic slogans directed at the city, had claimed in his two-volume door-stopper, The Decline of the West, that the emergence of global cities had throughout history been a sure indication of a culture's decline. The development of the global city had regularly meant the beginning of the end of a mature civilization. It replaced homeland with cosmopolitanism. It robbed people of their respect for tradition and organic growth. It transformed the people into a crowd. It despised the provinces and farmers and hence the foundations of its own existence, and not least, it was damned by its innate intellectual arrogance to steer itself towards its own end. If the right declared its devotion to the countryside and its folk traditions, the left praised the city and its free spaces.
在1918年和1922年，哲学家奥斯瓦尔德·施宾格勒发表了文化悲观主义的口号，这些口号特别针对城市。他在两卷本的著作《西方的没落》中声称，全球城市的出现一直是一个文化衰退的明确迹象。全球城市的发展往往意味着成熟文明的开始走向终结。它用世界主义取代了故土感。它剥夺了人们对传统和自然发展的尊重。它把人们变成了一群人。它鄙视乡村和农民，从而无视了自身存在的基础，最后因为其与生俱来的知识傲慢而注定走向衰亡。如果说右翼宣称对乡村和民俗传统的热爱，那么左翼则赞美城市和它的自由空间。
Josef Raught professed himself in favour of traffic, the author and journalist who was born in 1894 in the Galician Stettel of Brody, and who had come in 1920 from Vienna to Berlin, wrote a hymnic declaration of love to the Glaistraek. The word means track triangle, an unadorned Berlin junction of two underground train tracks close to Anhalter station and to the strange place where an elevated railway ran through the middle of the second floor of a rental block. I declare my admiration for the Glaistraek. It is a symbol and the initial focus of a circle of life fantastical product of a force that promises the future. After this beginning Raught got into his flow. This is what the heart of a world looks like, whose life is wheel-belt swing and clock strike, the cruel beat of the lever and the wail of sirens.
译文如下：
约瑟夫·劳特对交通表示赞赏。这位作家兼记者于1894年出生在加利西亚的布罗迪，并于1920年从维也纳来到柏林。他为Gleis-Dreieck（轨道三角）撰写了一篇赞美之辞，这是一处位于柏林安哈尔特车站附近的简朴地铁轨道交汇处，也是一个奇特的地方，因为那儿的高架铁路穿过出租楼的二层。我对Gleis-Dreieck表达了自己的钦佩。它是一个象征，是一个生命循环的起点，它是一个令人惊叹的力量的产物，这种力量预示着未来。在这里，劳特进入了他的创作状态。这就是一个世界的核心，其生命就是车轮、皮带的摆动、时钟的滴答声、杠杆的残酷节奏以及警报的呜咽声。
This is what the heart of the earth looks like, which rotates a thousand times faster on its axis than it wants to teach us by day and night shift, whose incessant rotation looks like madness and is the product of mathematical prescience, whose furious speed presents itself to sentimental backward lookers as the brutal annihilation of internal forces and healing balance but in reality produces life giving warmth and the blessing of movement. Amazing what hope of the future traffic could inspire in such a profoundly melancholy man. Raught who worked for the Berzenkorye and the Frankfurt-Artsitung among others was filled with savnece at the decline of the Austrian monarchy but celebrated the beauty of soot and iron all the more defiantly.
这就是地球中心的样子，它的自转速度比我们从昼夜交替中感受到的快了一千倍。这种不停的旋转看起来似乎疯狂，但实际上是数学预知的结果。其狂暴的速度在那些怀旧的人看来是对内部力量和和谐平衡的残酷消解，但实际上，它产生了生命带来的温暖和运动的恩赐。令人惊讶的是，这种对未来交通的希望能够激发这样一个深感忧郁的人内心的动力。霍特曾为《贝尔岑科里耶报》和《法兰克福艺术报》等工作，他对奥地利帝国的衰退感到悲伤，但同时他更加坚定地赞美煤烟和铁艺的美丽。
The landscape is given an iron mask, it cheered and so along the tracks iron guards sprouting upwards and signals blossoming in bright green. Asphalt literati was the term the national socialists used for convinced urban authors such as Josef Raught, Alfred Dublin, Iresh Kestner, Leon Foystvanger, Gabriela Taggitt and Vicki Baum. In 1929 when the Fosse-Schutzitung asked him to take part in the survey does Berlin inhibit or encourage artistic creativity, Alfred Dublin replied as enthusiastically as one might have expected of one of the Asphalt literati. Overall it has a powerfully inspiringly enlivening force. That excitement of streets, shops and cars is the heat into which I must allow myself to be beaten if I am working which is to say always. That is the petrol on which my car runs.
这片景观被赋予了铁面具，它欢呼雀跃，于是铁轨上的守卫向上生长，信号灯以鲜艳的绿色绽放。"沥青文人"是国家社会党用来形容坚定的城市作家的术语，如约瑟夫·罗特、阿尔弗雷德·多布林、埃里希·凯斯特纳、莱昂·福伊希特万格、加布里埃拉·塔哥特和维基·鲍姆。1929年，当《福斯报》问阿尔弗雷德·多布林"柏林是抑制还是激励艺术创造力"的调查时，他的回答如同可以预料的那样充满热情，正如一个沥青文人所为。他说，总体上，柏林具有一种强烈的激励性和活力。街道、商店和汽车的那种兴奋，是我必须让自己融入的热度，如果我在工作，也即是说几乎一直都在工作。那种兴奋就是我的汽车前进的燃料。
The Cologne-based scholar Hehrmoud Plessner wrote a philosophical celebration of traffic in a higher communicative sense. In his 1924 book, Grensen de Geiminschaft, Limits of Community, a critique of social radicalism, he developed a theory of coexistence in which he advocated the virtues of good traffic using traffic to refer to all levels of social interaction, not only in the street. Plessner's relationship theories of coldness were a plea for an anonymous society striving to strip the phenomenon of alienation of its horrors and stress its positive sides. He advised making social traffic as pleasant as possible, with people coming never too close nor too far from one another so that to some degree they could get along with one another without accident.
科隆的学者赫尔穆特·普莱斯纳写了一本关于交通的哲学赞美书，从更高的交流层面来探讨。在他1924年的著作《共同体的边界》中，他对社会激进主义进行了批判，发展了一种共存理论，提倡良好交通的美德，并将"交通"一词应用于所有层次的社会互动，而不仅仅是在街道上。普莱斯纳的关系理论中的“冷漠”概念是对匿名社会的支持，旨在消除疏离现象的恐怖，并强调其积极方面。他建议将社会交通变得尽可能愉快，让人们始终保持适当距离，不会过于接近也不会过于疏远，以便在一定程度上能够和谐相处，而不发生冲突。
Tacked in particular was necessary, Plessner said, a thoughtful response to the truth, a willingness to maintain a balance between honesty and consideration, sparing the other for my own sake, sparing myself for the sake of the other. In order to get on in society, one had to know how to disguise oneself, keep one's opinions to one's chest and wear masks, tenderness was important, obligingness that does not oblige, a culture of restraint. Plessner, the modern age required a cheery face, tacked, respect for the other soul, was the magic formula that preserves an anonymous society from collisions, makes it lovable, smooth and ultimately exhilarating. The second last chapter about the hygiene of tacked practically swings, it has rhythm and energy and here too the symphony of the big city rings out in philosophical application.
普雷斯纳指出，特别重要的是谨慎，这是一种对真相的深思熟虑的回应，也是一种在诚实与体谅之间保持平衡的意愿。为了自身的缘故宽恕他人，为了他人的缘故宽恕自己。如果想在社会上立足，就必须懂得如何伪装自己，谨慎表达自己的意见并戴上面具。温柔、礼貌而不干扰他人的生活方式，以及一种克制的文化都是非常重要的。
在现代社会，普雷斯纳认为，保持一副愉快的面孔和尊重他人是这套在匿名社会中防止冲突的秘诀，并让社会变得可爱、顺畅且充满活力。倒数第二章讨论了谨慎的“卫生”问题，内容充满节奏和能量，这里同样展现了大城市的交响乐在哲学应用中的体现。
In fact, the ability to negotiate around about, to synchronize oneself, to communicate quickly with swift gestures and glances, to switch lanes gently, was in many respects, like being at a party where one is constantly switching conversational partners and amidst convivial small talk, keeping people pleasantly close and at a distance at the same time. Where does cordiality begin? Where does it stop? Plessner asks. Where does it cross over into sociability? Where does the familiarity of community circles begin? Where are we allowed to relax and build on kindness, love, understanding and insight? If tacked doesn't tell us, we are betrayed and sold. Feeling, checking, saving face, but never with too heavy a gun, without superiority, a sure sign of weakness, without insistence, open but never without reserve, determined but also flexible, lovable but never creeping, everyone knows these oscillations whose amplitude decides man's dignity, standing and value in society.
事实上，这种在周围环境中谈判的能力、与他人同步协调、通过快速的手势和眼神交流、轻松地变换位置，在许多方面就像是在一个派对上，我们不断更换交谈的对象，并在欢乐的寒暄中，把人们既亲近又保持一定距离。礼貌从何而起？何时结束？是柏莱斯纳提出的问题。它何时转换为社交能力？社区圈子的亲密感从何而来？我们何时可以放松，并在友善、爱、理解和洞察力的基础上建立联系？如果没有策略，我们会觉得被背叛和出卖。我们感受、检查、维护面子，但永远不使用太大的手段，不显得优越，这往往是软弱的迹象，不坚持己见，保持开放但不丧失谨慎，坚定但灵活，讨人喜欢但不谄媚。每个人都明白这种摇摆，其幅度决定了一个人在社会中的尊严、地位和价值。
The analogies between social traffic and street traffic are obvious. For that reason, traffic also became a central topic of the Weimar Republic, because the most contrary individuals had to learn to rub shoulders fluently, the extent to which they seemed to have achieved this and at such pace could be seen as the secret code for a future society based on intuitive conflict resolution, while in reality the debates were becoming increasingly hurt for political positions increasingly irreconcilable. Zekewid Karkawa was fascinated to watch police officers and experienced taxi drivers greeting one another and communicating fleetingly with inconspicuous gestures, how the officers ceased to be holders of high office and instead became functionaries of traffic.
社会交通与街道交通之间的相似性显而易见。因此，交通也成为魏玛共和国的一个核心话题，因为最不同的人们必须学会顺畅地共存。他们似乎在这一方面达到了何种程度和速度，可以被视为未来基于直觉冲突解决的社会的秘密密码，而实际上，政治立场变得越来越不可调和，辩论也变得越来越激烈。Zekewid Karkawa 对观察警察和经验丰富的出租车司机如何相互致意并通过不显眼的手势短暂交流感到着迷，这些警察不再是高职人员，而是成为交通的执行者。
Traffic sent very new instructions to the brain, new hybrid forms of concentration and intuition were used, new capacities for spatial and dynamic vision, a sixth sense for the coexistence of an unfamiliar quantity of variables. It was impossible not to be spellbound at the effect that the new systems of rules had on people, for example traffic lights, the fact that amber appeared between red and green gave rise to extensive observations that attempted to trace what traffic was doing to people. Karkawa reflected on the meaning of the three-phase traffic light. This amber marks the transition from one resolute state into another. It cautions pedestrians and automobile drivers to pay attention and liberates them from all reflections that the compulsion to consideration commanded when signals changed suddenly. By introducing an intermediate light, caution is to a certain extent objectivized and initiative displaced from people. In other words, amber allows people to dose peacefully during the red phase.
交通给大脑传送了全新的指令，使用了新的集中和直觉的混合形式，以及空间和动态视觉的新能力，还有对数量众多、不熟悉的变量共存的第六感。新规则系统对人的影响令人着迷，比如交通灯。黄灯出现在红灯和绿灯之间，这一事实引发了大量观察，试图追溯交通对人的影响。卡尔卡瓦思考着三相交通灯的意义。黄灯标志着从一个明确状态过渡到另一个状态。它提醒行人和司机注意，并将因信号突然变化而产生的反应解放出来。通过引入中间灯，警惕在某种程度上被客观化，主动性从人们手中移开。换句话说，黄灯让人们可以在红灯期间安心小憩。
Something that has passed wordlessly into our DNA today has been analyzed at length. Plessner's reflections became explosive against the background of the debate around society versus community. These slogans concealed different visions of the essence of social cohesion. In community, cohesion is defined by a descent and by common values that are passed down. In society, by rules governing the coexistence of people who are potentially alien to one another. Their forms of traffic require an ability to compromise and tact. Focish theorists, stressed community, democratic ones, society. The term focus essential to the National Socialist Vision refers to members of a national community relates to the promotion of German purity and greatness and carries strong racist connotations. For the far right, the case was quite clear. Community is German. Society is alien to us.
今天，一些无形中融入我们DNA的概念已经被深入分析。普莱斯纳的反思在围绕社会与社群的辩论背景下变得异常引人注目。这些口号掩盖了对社会凝聚本质的不同看法。在社群中，凝聚力通过血统和传承的共同价值观来定义。而在社会中，凝聚力则由管理可能彼此陌生之人的共存规则来定义。他们的交流形式需要妥协和分寸感。专注社群的理论家强调社群，而民主理论家则强调社会。“焦点”这一术语在国家社会主义的愿景中至关重要，指的是国家共同体的成员，涉及对德国纯洁性和伟大的推动，并带有强烈的种族主义内涵。对于极右翼来说，问题很清楚：社群是德国的；社会对我们来说是陌生的。
The cultural critic, Helmut Leiten, came up with a fine phrase. When traffic becomes the central topic, creatures that wish to put down roots will suffer. Democrats, on the other hand, had pace on their side. The worship of speed, the aesthetic presentation of traffic in a global city, the profound connection between fashion and cars. This was the bearing of a democracy connected by fate, to growing affluence and the certainty that things would keep going forward in the long term. Of course, there were also some among them who did not join in with the application of political significance to the phenomena of city and traffic. Under his pseudonym, Ignatz-Frober, Küt Tórholzky, described Berlin's traffic as pure invention, a media phantom that matched the deep urge of the new German to feel the way he imagined Americans felt.
文化评论家赫尔穆特·莱滕提出了一个精妙的说法。当交通成为中心话题时，想要扎根的生物会受到影响。而民主派则拥有速度的优势。有对速度的崇拜，对全球城市中交通的美学表现，对时尚与汽车之间深厚联系的追求。这是命运连接着民主与日益增长的富裕，以及对未来不断进步的确定性。当然，他们当中也有一些人不愿意将政治意义赋予城市和交通现象。在他的笔名下，伊格纳兹·弗罗伯，库特·托尔霍尔茨基描述了柏林的交通是纯粹的发明，一个媒体幻影，正好契合了新德国人想要感受美国人感觉的那种深切渴望。
Living in a city that has a city and a broad way lifts their spirits. That was why the Berlin press was busy, he said, drumming a new fixed idea into the Berliner. Traffic. The police support them splendidly in this. The attempts currently put in place to organize traffic, to grasp it statistically, to describe, to regulate, to drain and feed it are practically ridiculous. Is there really so much of it? No. If you come to Berlin, a lot of people will ask you with an almost pleading expression, Berlin traffic is colossal, isn't it? It wasn't, Tórholzky replied. Berliners just imagined a bleak spectacle like the one in Paris. Berlin does not have this traffic, but it imagines it does, and the police regulate this imaginary traffic as no one in Paris has ever regulated it, nor ever would.
生活在一个既有城市气息又有宽阔大道的城市中，让人们倍感振奋。他说，这就是为什么柏林媒体忙于向柏林人灌输一种新的观念：交通。警察非常出色地支持这一观念。当前为组织交通而采取的措施，包括统计、描述、调控、疏导和供给交通的努力，实际上是可笑的。真的有这么多交通问题吗？没有。如果你来到柏林，很多人会带着近乎恳求的表情问你，柏林的交通是不是很庞大？但图尔齐克的回答是否定的。柏林人只是想象着像巴黎那样的交通景象。柏林并没有这样的交通，但它却幻想自己有，而警察对这种虚构的交通进行管理，比巴黎任何时候的管理都要严格。
This notional traffic plague spread to the rest of the country, what Berlin has, bookabock deserves. No car far and wide, but two traffic policemen, a car on the horizon and wild waving, honking, and whistling begins. It was true, the familiar mixture of inferiority complex and boastfulness was lived out in Berlin's description of itself as the fastest city in the world. But even Tórholzky's dismissiveness wasn't free of pose. The marketplace of opinions was not dissimilar to what we have today. It's always tempting for well-known op-ed journalists such as Tórholzky, Tórholzky, as he was known, to sign off calmly on a debate that has become too heated. Then the only option is the discipline of skillful deflation, of which Tórholzky was a master.
这种交通的虚构灾难蔓延到了全国，柏林有的，书拉波克也理应拥有。放眼望去没有一辆车，只有两个交通警察。在远处的地平线上，一辆车缓缓驶来，随之而来的是疯狂的挥手、按喇叭和吹哨。确实，在柏林自称为“世界上最快的城市”时，那种自卑与自夸的熟悉混合心态得以体现。但即使是托尔霍尔茨基的轻蔑也并非没有一点姿态。意见的市场与我们今天的并无太大区别。对于像托尔霍尔茨基这样知名的评论员来说，当争论过于激烈时，以冷静的方式结束讨论总是很有诱惑力。此时，唯一可行的就是运用巧妙的贬低，这正是托尔霍尔茨基的拿手好戏。
But there will have been a reason why, in 1924, the traffic police that he so disdained set up Germany's first traffic light housed in an 8-meter high tower. 26 tramlines and five buslines crossed Potsdamaplats. Contemporary films show considerable swarm of cars, horse-drawn carriages, hand carts, motorbikes, and pedestrians. At peak times, that would have made even a car driver of today break out in pearls of sweat. Potsdamaplats assumed mythical status at a speed entirely in line with the velocity-driven times. Even today, no tour guide will neglect to mention that it was once the most traffic-filled square in Europe. For many visitors from the provinces who travel to their capital, following the motto, once to Berlin, the experience of turmoil at Potsdamaplats was a must. Bidecker recommended comfortable vantage points. The lively bustle may be comfortably observed from the Belvüp patisserie, the cafe of the first Norfotel and the Yosti patisserie and the Pórholz restaurant, in the evening Bright Neon signs.
但是，事情总有其原因。在1924年，交通警察设立了德国的第一个交通信号灯，这盏信号灯被置于一个8米高的塔中，而他对此不屑一顾。波茨坦广场上有26条电车线路和5条公交线路交织穿行。当时的影片展示了大量的汽车、马车、手推车、摩托车和行人蜂拥而行。在高峰时段，即使是今天的司机也会因为这样的车流而紧张得冒汗。波茨坦广场以与那个速度至上的时代完全契合的速度，迅速成为一个传奇般的存在。即使在今天，任何导游都不会忘记提到，它曾是欧洲交通最繁忙的广场。对于许多带着“到柏林一游”心愿，从外省来到首都的游客来说，体验波茨坦广场的繁忙景象是一项必不可少的活动。Bidecker推荐了一些舒适的观景点。在Belvüp糕点店、第一Norfotel的咖啡馆、Yosti糕点店和Pórholz餐厅，都可以舒适地观察到熙熙攘攘的景象，晚上还有明亮的霓虹灯。
A city without people. The city was particularly challenging to painters. On the one hand, there were the lovers of traffic. Lesa Oori painted magical representations of night-time urban traffic using impressionistic lighting effects. Ernst Ludwig Jächner turned Potsdamaplats into a circular rotating stage on which two elegant passers-by with feathers in their hats turned into shrill sensations. Their proportions dramatically distorted. The square is small, the two graces enormous. But what might be more surprising is the countercurrent. Some painters, whom we now see as strong proponents of Neuyserlichkeit, created a very quiet picture of the city. Their melancholy urban still lives look like a protest against the cult of speed that dominated their time. So Gustav Wunderwelds Berlin's street landscapes are usually deserted. At most a lonely couple deliberately drawn far too small wanders around the mountainous buildings.
一座没有人烟的城市。这座城市对画家来说特别具有挑战性。一方面，有喜爱交通的艺术家。Lesa Oori 用印象派的光影效果描绘了魔幻般的夜间城市交通。Ernst Ludwig Jächner 则将 Potsdamer Platz 变成一个旋转的舞台，上面两位戴着羽饰帽子的优雅行人变成了引人注目的焦点。他们的比例被极度扭曲。广场很小，而这两个优雅的人物却显得巨大。但更令人惊讶的是与之相反的趋势。一些画家（我们现在认为他们是“新客观性”的重要倡导者）却描绘了一幅非常安静的城市图景。他们忧郁的城市静物画似乎是对当时那种速度崇拜的抗议。因此，Gustav Wunderwelds 的柏林街景通常是空无一人的。最多只有一对孤独的情侣被故意画得极小，在高耸的建筑间徘徊。
These are images of almost ghost-like peace that draw much of their power from the absence of traffic. Wunderwelds paintings look like sets. Until 1918 he earned most of his money working as a set painter in the theatre, for a life that has yet to be performed or accessories for a play that has been cancelled. What a contrast with the stage sets for the plays of Avin Piscatoa, which kaleidoscopically depict the bustle of the city via the use of the photo montage. Wunderwelds streets, on the other hand, are stripped of all excitement, but this is done in such a radical way as to intensify the sense that in reality these streets are different. Standing before their painted silence, the noise returns for a moment in the mind of the viewer. The charm of this magical realism lies in the aesthetic opposition to the turbulent reality. What remains uncertain is whether this emptiness is oppressive or beautiful.
这些图像几乎呈现出幽灵般的宁静，其力量很大程度上来源于没有交通的安静。温德维尔德的画作看起来像舞台布景。在1918年之前，他主要靠在剧院担任布景画师谋生，仿佛为一场尚未上演的生活或一部已取消的戏剧提供道具。这与阿文·皮斯卡托亚戏剧的舞台布景形成鲜明对比，后者通过照片拼贴技法生动展现了都市的喧嚣。相反，温德维尔德的街道被剥夺了所有的刺激，但这种极端的表现手法反而增强了人们对这些街道在现实中截然不同的感受。站在这些被描绘的寂静面前，观众脑海中一度浮现出噪音的回声。这种魔幻现实主义的魅力在于对动荡现实的美学对立。而让人不确定的是，这种空旷到底是压抑还是美丽。
Similarly mixed feelings are created by the Dresden street paintings of Wilhelm Lachnett, influenced by Georgiodekirico's metaphysical realism or the deserted streets and industrial paintings of Karl Gorsbach, who even managed to paint Berlin's avos racetrack without showing a single car. Other Neusachlicide artists, such as Reinhard Nageler or Wilhelm Heiser, painted dense scenes of traffic, but they looked strangely paused as if frozen solid. That is partly to do with the diktats of the concise outline, a central stylistic feature of Neusachlicide. The almost hyper-real precision, even of distant objects, makes every passerby, every dog, every automobile, stand out clearly. In this way, they produced extremely precise images, swarming with detail, through which you can walk in your imagination like a child through a picture book.
类似的矛盾感也出现在德累斯顿的街头画作中，这些作品由威廉·拉赫奈特创作，受到乔治·德·基里科的形而上学写实主义或卡尔·戈尔斯巴赫创作的荒凉街道与工业画的影响。戈尔斯巴赫甚至在没有表现任何车辆的情况下，画出了柏林的赛车场。其他新客观派艺术家，如赖因哈德·纳格勒或威廉·海瑟尔，描绘了密集的交通场景，但这些画看起来却如同被定格了一样，仿佛凝固了一般。这部分源于新客观派对简洁轮廓的强调，这是其中心风格特征之一。几乎是超现实的精确描绘，即便是远处的物体，也使得每一个路人、每一只狗、每一辆汽车清晰可见。通过这种方式，他们创作出了极为精细的图像，充满了细节，让人仿佛可以像小孩翻阅图画书一样，在想象中自由漫步。
In contrast to Impressionism or Expressionism, where details blur in the flow of colour and the dominance of emotions and everything is united in the stream of the crowd, in the urban themes of Neusachlicide, each person remains self-contained, even when there are hundreds of them. Every individual is as identifiable as a pinned insect. There are no blurs of motion. The city squares, seen under a microscope, thus look at one's idyllic and alienating. In them, the individual is frozen and alone, captured with the finest of brushes and separated from the others, each on his own alone in the crowd. The Cologne painter Anton Riederschide simply left out the other participants in the traffic. His chosen subject was himself, always portrayed as a dark figure in a tight-fitting black coat and wearing a bowler hat.
与印象派或表现主义不同，印象派或表现主义中细节在色彩的流动和情感的主导下模糊，并在群体的洪流中融为一体，而在新客观主义的都市主题中，即使有数百人，每个人都保持独立性。每个个体就像被固定的昆虫一样清晰可辨，运动的模糊不复存在。城市的广场，在显微镜下看，显得既田园又疏离。在这些作品中，个人被以精细的笔触捕捉、凝固和孤立，每个人在拥挤的人群中都显得孤独。科隆画家安东·里德尔谢德干脆省略了交通中的其他参与者。他选择的主题是他自己，总是被描绘成一个身穿紧身黑色外套、头戴圆顶礼帽的黑色身影。
Almost redundantly, he stands in front of the modern grid façades of large office buildings in empty, abandoned city streets. Riederschide painted fantasy and horror paintings at the same time, pursuing the idea that our loneliness increases along with the number of people surrounding us. In the spiritual poverty, they are so far away that the painter simply erases them from the cityscape. In 1914, in his poem Cities, the poet and dramatist Alfred Wofenstein describes loneliness in the crowd like this: Our walls are thinner skin, so that everyone joins in when I weep. Whispering forces its way across like bawling, and how mute in a remote cave, untouched and unlooked at, everyone stands far away and feels alone.
几乎显得多余，他站在空荡无人、废弃的城市街道上，这些街道的背景是大型办公楼现代网格状的外立面。里德谢尔德同时创作幻想和恐怖绘画，追求这样一个理念：随着周围人群的增加，我们的孤独感也在加深。在精神匮乏中，他们显得如此遥远，以至于画家干脆将他们从城市画面中抹去。1914年，诗人和剧作家阿尔弗雷德·沃芬斯坦在他的诗《城市》中这样描述人群中的孤独：我们的墙壁就像更薄的皮肤，当我哭泣时，所有人都参与其中。耳语声犹如喊叫声一样穿透而来，而在遥远的洞穴里，没人碰触、没人注视，每个人都站得很远，感到孤独。
Flanners and car drivers. It is an unavoidable fact that melancholy is also part of urban happiness. City traffic is a tireless sequence of meetings and farewells. In the human funnel, a million faces, Kottorkalski wrote of passing encounters in the big city. Two strange eyes, a brief glance, the brows, pupils, eyelids. What was that? Perhaps your life's happiness? Gone. Vanished. Forever. In the 1920s, the city's stroll was a literary genre of its own, nurtured above all in the art section of the more serious newspapers. The 1920s saw an intense engagement with a theme of movement in cities.
漫步者和汽车司机。这是一个无法避免的事实：忧郁也是城市幸福的一部分。城市交通是一次次不停歇的相遇和告别。在人流中，Kotorkalski写道，在大城市中擦肩而过，无数的面孔。两个陌生的眼睛，一个短暂的目光，眉毛、瞳孔、眼睑。那是什么？也许是你一生的幸福？消失了。消逝了。永远。在20世纪20年代，城市漫步成为一种独特的文学体裁，尤其在严肃报纸的艺术版面上得到发展。20世纪20年代见证了人们对城市中运动主题的深入探讨。
Back then, authors such as Franz Hessel insisted on slowness. They saw themselves not as participants in traffic, but as its observer, as dissidents of the general hubbub and also as education lists. They effectively coached their readers in traffic, always maintaining the balance between the lonely observer and the pedestrian's immersion in the flow. Franz Hessel delivered the finest example of ambitious strolling in his 1929 book, Walking in Berlin, A Flannur in the Capital. The intelligent loafer had plenty of time. The son of a banker had inherited so much money that he was able to study Orientalism without any great urgency and Munich around the turn of the century, without finishing the course, preferring to write here and there and enjoying the extensive entourage of the wonderfully unconventional Fanny Greifensureventlau in the elegant Munich district of Schvabing.
在那个时候，像弗朗茨·赫塞尔这样的作家强调慢节奏生活。他们认为自己不是交通中的参与者，而是观察者，是对喧嚣世界的异议者，同时也是教育者。他们有效地指导读者在交通中保持平衡，在孤独的观察者和行人在流动中的沉浸之间不断切换。弗朗茨·赫塞尔在他的1929年著作《在柏林漫步》中提供了野心勃勃的漫步最佳例子。这位聪明的闲逛者有的是时间。一个银行家的儿子继承了足够的财富，让他能够不慌不忙地学习东方学并在世纪之交的慕尼黑生活，而不必完成学业。他更喜欢四处写作，并享受与极具个性且不拘一格的范妮·格赖芬瑟文劳一起在慕尼黑斯瓦宾的优雅社交圈中生活。
Incidentally, the beautiful Countess died. We are still on the topic of traffic in 1918 from the results of a bicycle accident. In 1906, Hessel moved to Paris, where he stayed until shortly before the First World War. Post-war inflation wiped out Hessel's inheritance, so the polyglot Bon Vivre, whose first novel in 1913 was tellingly entitled The Junk Shop of Happiness, suddenly had to get to work. Get to work is meant literally here. The book Walking in Berlin begins with the author's description of himself as a troublemaker. He strolled through the streets so slowly, Hessel wrote, that he was constantly in the way of busier people. To those who rushed hastily by, he appeared as an outsider, even as someone shady.
顺便提一下，美丽的伯爵夫人去世了。我们仍在讨论1918年的交通情况，而她的去世是一起自行车事故造成的。在1906年，赫塞尔搬到了巴黎，并一直住在那里，直到第一次世界大战前不久。战后的通货膨胀使赫塞尔的遗产化为乌有，因此这个精通多国语言、生活讲究的人不得不开始工作。他的第一部小说于1913年出版，标题耐人寻味地叫《幸福的杂货店》。这里的“开始工作”是字面意义上的。《柏林漫步》一书开篇，作者形容自己是个麻烦制造者。他在街上慢慢地漫步，以至于总是妨碍到更忙碌的人们。那些匆匆而过的人把他看作是一个局外人，甚至是一个不太正经的人。
In these parts, one has to must, otherwise one may not. Here, one does not go somewhere, but two somewhere. It is not easy for our kind. In fact, the 1929 Street Traffic Act permitted stopping only when pedestrians are not disturbed or obstructed by it. France Hessel didn't have to must. In his mind, he was still a gentleman of leisure. His wife, Helen, worked as a fashion journalist for the Frankfort-Artsaiton, and her income helped. In every respect, the two were a remarkable pair, and more than that. With France's best friend, the French author, Arie-Pierre-Rochet, they had a menager trois that lasted over thirteen years. They even kept a shared diary together.
在这些地方，人必须要这样做，否则可能不行。在这里，人不是去某个地方，而是去两个地方。对于我们这样的人来说，这并不容易。事实上，1929年的街道交通法规定，只有在不干扰或阻挡行人时才允许停车。法国的赫塞尔并不需要必须这样做。在他心中，他仍然是一个悠闲的绅士。他的妻子海伦是《法兰克福艺术报》的时尚记者，她的收入也起到了一定的帮助作用。这对夫妻在各方面都是一个非凡的组合，甚至不止如此。他们与弗朗兹最好的朋友、法国作家阿里-皮埃尔-罗谢特一起维持了一段长达十三年的三人关系。他们甚至一起写了一本共享日记。
In 1962, François Truffor filmed the story of their cohabitation in Jules-Gim, which would build a kind of spiritual bridge between the libitinism of the 1920s and that of the late 1960s. Hessel took up the profession of Flannur with the same enthusiasm with which he had followed the twisted path of his heart. He was not afraid of instructing his readers in the proper ways of strolling. The most important thing was not to have a fixed destination in mind when promenading, but rather to allow oneself to drift through the city. He said, Flannurring is a kind of reading of the street, in which human faces, stalls, shop windows, pavement cafes, tram tracks, cars, and trees become letters of the alphabet with equal status, which assemble into words, sentences and pages of a book constantly renewed. The city is text. That was a central image of newspaper arts pages in the 1920s.
1962年，弗朗索瓦·特吕弗在电影《朱尔斯与吉姆》中拍摄了他们同居的故事，这部影片在某种程度上架起了连接1920年代和1960年代末自由主义之间的精神桥梁。赫塞尔以与追寻内心复杂道路相同的热情从事漫步者（Flâneur）的职业。他不害怕教导读者正确的漫步方式。漫步时，最重要的是不要有固定的目的地，而是让自己随意穿行于城市。他说，漫步就像是在解读街头，街上的人脸、摊位、橱窗、咖啡馆、轨道、电车、汽车和树木就像字母，以同等的重要性组成不断更新的词语、句子和书页。城市就是文本。这是1920年代报纸艺术版中的一个核心形象。
Siegfried Karkauer, who had been Berlin correspondent of the Frankfort-Artsaitung since 1930, wrote a little city column with the title The View from the Window. From his apartment in Zibuchtarsa in Berlin, he looked westwards over a somewhat chaotic cityscape. The exhibition centre could be seen, a tangle of train tracks, allotments, and the radio tower, on which a sphere of light rotated at the time, pointing the way for aircraft to Templeauf Airport. The blinking light looked like a lighthouse. And when the storm wails, it flies over the high sea whose waves wash the field of train tracks.
齐格弗里德·卡考尔自1930年以来一直是《法兰克福艺术报》在柏林的记者，他写了一篇名为《窗外景观》的小城市专栏。从他在柏林齐布赫塔尔萨的公寓里望出去，他向西俯瞰一个略显混乱的城市景观。展览中心隐约可见，那里杂乱地交织着铁路线、分配的地块以及电台塔。在那个年代，电台塔上的一个发光球体不停旋转，为飞往坦普尔霍夫机场的飞机指引方向。那个闪烁的光就像灯塔一样。当暴风咆哮时，它仿佛飞越了大海，巨浪拍击着铁路线的田野。
This urban landscape had not been intentionally shaped by planners, but by random events and the needs of an increased volume of traffic on land and in the air. Karkauer, and it is painfully beautiful text with a sentence which, on closer inspection, is nonsensical in several ways at once, and which can still cast light, if not necessarily illuminate. Understanding of cities is tied up with the decipherment of their dreamily uttered images. One should not spend too much time reflecting on the sentence, but if one does, one might wonder, can images be uttered and dreamly at that? Can they be deciphered? And what might an understanding of cities be?
这个城市景观并不是由规划者有意设计的，而是由于各种偶然事件以及日益增长的陆地和空中交通需求自然形成的。卡考尔的文字令人痛苦却美丽，其中有一句话在仔细推敲后显得在多方面都没有意义，但也许还能为我们带来启发，尽管不一定能带来清晰的理解。对城市的理解与解读它们梦幻般表达的影像息息相关。我们不应该花太多时间反思这句话，但如果真的这样做了，可能会疑问：图像可以被梦中表达吗？它们可以被解读吗？而对城市的理解又意味着什么呢？
Hard to imagine finding such a sentence in a newspaper today, but special times require special measures. The excessive demand on logic in Karkauer's closing sentence corresponded to the excessive demand that cities made on the senses and on reason. To that extent, the sentence was extremely precise, and somewhat habit-forming. It is because of such wayward stylistic escapades that the melancholic flaners of the arts pages remain popular even today. Benjamin, Karkauer, and Hesse posthumously became the sweet poison of a generation of students of German.
很难想象今天的报纸上会出现这样一句话，但特殊时期需要特殊措施。卡尔考尔闭幕句对逻辑的过度要求对应城市对感官和理性的过度要求。在这方面，这句话极其精准，并且有些上瘾。正是因为这种任性的风格冒险，艺术版的忧郁漫游者至今仍然受欢迎。本杰明、卡尔考尔和黑塞在去世后成为了一代德国学生的“甜蜜毒药”。
At the peak of his fame in the 1980s, the figure of the flaner practically enjoyed cult status, but one other species of traffic pioneer in the 1920s lives out a shadow existence in the cultural memory, although one that has proved much more crucial for the problems of the contemporary world – motorcar drivers. Thinking or and singing cars. In the 1920s, the motorcar assumed a high status from which it still benefits in the present. That decade saw its potential to influence the social psyche unfolding, along with a problematic promise of individual freedom that makes it so difficult to bid it farewell.
在20世纪80年代，他处于名声的顶峰，作为闲逛者的形象几乎达到了偶像地位。然而，有另一个在1920年代出现的交通先驱种类——汽车驾驶员，却在人们的文化记忆中显得黯然无光，尽管他们对于当代世界的问题显得更加关键。20世纪20年代，汽车获得了很高的地位，这种地位一直延续到现在。那个年代开始展现出汽车对社会心理的影响潜力，以及一种个体自由的有问题承诺，这使得人们难以同汽车告别。
At the beginning of the century, the motorcar was still the exclusive province of the wealthy, for businessmen, ministers, and senior officials. It was quite natural that a paid chauffeur should be sitting at the wheel. Passengers allowed themselves to be driven about, usually with the roof up. But soon, the self-drivers began to arrive. They had passed their driving tests and enjoyed the intoxication of speed, at least until a speed limit of 65 km an hour was imposed.
在世纪初期，汽车仍然是富人的专属品，通常是商人、部长和高级官员才会拥有。雇一个司机开车在当时很正常，乘客通常坐在车里，让司机开车，而且车顶大多是关闭的。不过，很快就出现了一批自己开车的人。他们通过了驾驶考试，享受着速度带来的快感，直到时速限制在65公里才有所收敛。
The playwright and poet Bertolt Brecht dreamed of owning a car, although he could also be scathing about the Weimar culture industry's credulous devotion to technology. God has returned in the form of an oil tank. He wrote in his poem 700 Intellectuals Pray to an Oil Tank. But he was equally happy to pen a hymn to the elegant automobiles of the Steyer Company. The fact that Steyer also manufactured weapons, including the Manlechia Studsen, a hunting rifle, only made Brecht's heart beat all the faster.
剧作家和诗人贝托尔特·布莱希特曾梦想拥有一辆汽车，尽管他对魏玛文化产业过于轻信技术的态度也曾加以尖锐批评。在他的诗《700名知识分子向油罐祈祷》中，他写道：「上帝以油罐的形式回来了。」不过，他同样乐于为斯泰尔公司的优雅汽车写赞美诗。斯泰尔公司同时也生产武器，其中包括曼利夏斯图森猎枪，这反而让布莱希特的心跳加速。
We come from a gun factory. Our little brother is the Manlechia Studsen. Our mother, though, a Steyerian ore mine. We have six cylinders and thirty horsepower. We cling to the bend like adhesive tape. Our engine is a thinking awe. We drive you so smoothly that you imagine you're in bed, that you imagine you're driving your car's shadow. Steyer was so touched that it gave the poet a four-cylinder vehicle as a fee for his advertising verse, and a second when Brecht immediately crashed the car into a tree.
我们来自一家枪械工厂。我们的弟弟是Manlechia Studsen，而我们的母亲是一座斯泰尔的矿山。我们有六个气缸和三十马力。我们在转弯时像胶带一样紧贴。我们的引擎让人叹为观止。驾驶我们的车如此平稳，你会觉得自己像躺在床上，仿佛在驾驶汽车的影子。斯泰尔感动于诗人的广告词，给了他一辆四缸车作为报酬，而当布莱希特立刻把车撞到树上后，又送了一辆。
But the accident had not happened out of sheer clumsiness, and, according to Brecht at least, it was only pure presence of mind that it hadn't been much worse. The business-minded Brecht was smart enough to report the accident, in which he sustained slide injuries, to the illustrated magazine Oohoo, and supply them with material for a story that was several pages long. According to this narrative, the poet had found himself driving straight towards another overtaking vehicle that was unable to re-enter its own lane in time. In order to avoid a collision, Brecht had needed to steer his car to the side.
事故并非纯粹因为笨拙才发生的，至少据布莱希特所说，仅仅凭借他的机智才没有更严重的后果。精明的布莱希特将事故上报给了《Oohoo》画报，这次事故中他受了些擦伤，并提供了足够的材料写了一篇数页长的报道。根据这篇报道，布莱希特发现自己正直面驶向另一辆超车的车辆，而那辆车无法及时返回自己的车道。为了避免碰撞，布莱希特不得不将车驶到一旁。
Oohoo reported, Brecht's car was thus forced to dodge, and by pulling powerfully on the brake and immediately releasing it again, he managed to drive into the nearest available tree. He succeeded in hitting the tree with the middle of the radiator and thus stopping the car. The radiator was crushed, and the belching front side of the chassis bent around the tree, but it also held the car firmly in place. The accident resulted in insignificant injuries. The magazine illustrated the report with several impressive photographs. Staya was grateful for the extra advertising. After all, Brecht had done everything correctly. The use of the snub brake was exemplary, and the poet had demonstrated that even a serious accident with such a valuable car, with truly thinking awe, could have a happy outcome.
Oohoo 报道称，布莱希特的车因此被迫躲避，他用力踩刹车并立刻松开，最终成功将车开到了最近的一棵树上。他准确地用散热器的中部撞上了树，从而使车停了下来。散热器被撞扁，车子的前部围绕着树弯曲，但也因此牢牢地固定住了车子。事故只造成了轻微的伤害。杂志还配有几张非常震撼的照片。斯塔亚对此额外的宣传表示感谢。毕竟，布莱希特做得很正确。对制动器的运用堪称典范，这位诗人展示了即使是如此珍贵的车发生严重事故，经过冷静思考也能有一个好的结果。
There was one prominent voice on the left who had already discovered the threat from the motor car that many people see in it today. In his 1929 novel, 10HP, the Soviet author Ilya Iranborg, also widely read in Germany, saw the car not as a source of all evil, that was capitalism, but as a symptom of it. For Iranborg, the motor car tears flesh apart, it blinds the eye, devours the lungs, strips reason away. The motor car laconically drives over pedestrians. It is only fulfilling its purpose. Its vocation is to eradicate human beings.
在左翼中，有一个显著的声音早已发现汽车带来的威胁，这种威胁也是许多人今天所看到的。在他1929年的小说《10匹马力》中，苏联作家伊利亚·伊兰博格（Ilya Iranborg）——在德国也有广泛读者——并没有把汽车视为万恶之源，那是资本主义，而是把汽车看作是一种资本主义症状。对伊兰博格来说，汽车撕裂了肌肤，模糊了视线，侵蚀了肺部，剥夺了理智。汽车冷漠地碾过行人，这只是履行它的目的。它的使命就是消灭人类。
Storm of steel author Ernst Junga, still eager for the experience of battle, saw some form of compensation in traffic. He experienced the honking in commuter traffic as whistling, wailing notes in which an imperious threat of death finds direct expression. He saw the many victims of traffic as a kind of collateral damage of the modern age and of Neuys Achlichkeit. Saying, traffic has really developed into a kind of mollock, which, year in, year out, devours a quota of victims comparable only to that of war. These victims fall in a morally neutral zone, the way in which they are perceived is statistical in nature.
《钢铁风暴》的作者恩斯特·荣格仍然渴望战斗的体验，他在交通中找到了某种补偿。他把通勤交通中的喇叭声体会为尖锐刺耳的音符，其中直接表达了对死亡的威胁。他认为交通的众多受害者是现代时代和“新客观主义”的一种附带损害。他说，交通确实已经演变成一种“魔洛克”，每年吞噬的受害者数量仅可与战争相比。这些受害者处于一个道德中立区，他们被看待的方式具有统计性质。
The number of deaths from traffic accidents in Germany was 5,867 in 1929, a high price to pay for the fact that the car connected city and country, beach and mountain, bringing the country closer together. Many people lost their lives in twisting villages that suddenly saw themselves having to cope with overland traffic for which they had not been built. New roads were needed and in 1926, planning began for the first autobahn's. One of these, the HaFraba between Hamburg, Frankfurt and Basel, did not make much progress, but the first cars only rode between Cologne and Bonn was inaugurated as Germany's first autobahn on the 6th of August 1932 by Conrad Aadnauer, mayor of Cologne from 1917 until 1933 and a resolute anti-Nazi in the ranks of the centre party.
1929年，德国因交通事故导致的死亡人数达到5,867人，这是一种沉重的代价，代价是汽车将城市和乡村、海滩和山脉连接起来，使国家更加紧密。许多人在那些突然需要应对不适应过境交通的小村庄中失去了生命。需要修建新的道路，于是1926年，首次德国高速公路的规划开始。在这些道路中，连接汉堡、法兰克福和巴塞尔的HaFraba进展不大，但从科隆至波恩的第一段高速公路于1932年8月6日由科隆市长康拉德·阿登纳揭幕。阿登纳在1917年至1933年期间担任科隆市长，是一个坚定的反纳粹人士，所属政党为中央党。
The notion that Hitler had brought autobahn's to the Germans is pure propaganda. To lay claim to the idea, the Nazis later demoted the Cologne Bonn stretch to a mere country road. For the other stretches of autobahn, in most cases they used the already existing plans from the Weimar Republic. Even the idea of building autobahn's as a way of creating labour came from Conrad Aadnauer, in order to give work to as many unemployed people as possible he had forbidden the use of bulldozers.
希特勒给德国人带来高速公路的说法纯属宣传。为了宣称这一想法，纳粹后来将科隆到波恩的这段路降级为普通的乡村公路。至于其他高速公路，大多数情况下，他们使用的都是魏玛共和国时期已经存在的规划。实际上，通过修建高速公路来创造就业的想法是来自康拉德·阿登纳。他禁止使用推土机，以便为更多的失业者提供工作机会。
The improvement in overland traffic made it easier to escape the city for a moment. Blissful hours in nature, hours of freedom, far from the bonds of the everyday, an awful advertisement promised in 1930. The car was a symbol of modernity and at the same time a means of escaping it. Twin aspects of its seductive force. People could drive into the countryside, to the beach and into the mountains with a picnic basket and a gramophone in the boot. Often the journey was the destination. And movement the chief purpose of the outing.
陆路交通的改善让人们更容易暂时逃离城市。1930年的一则广告中承诺，一个远离日常束缚的惬意时光可以在大自然中享受，一段自由时光。汽车象征着现代化，同时也是逃离现代化的一种方式。它具有双重诱惑力。人们可以驾车前往乡村、海滩和山区，后备箱里装着野餐篮和留声机。通常情况下，旅行本身就是目的，而移动则是出游的主要意义。
One incorrigible traffic hooligan was Ilkaman. The daughter of Tormus, the Nobel laureate, was a passionate devotee of speed. She loved hurtling through the villages and getting chickens between her wheels in such a way that they then reappeared unharmed in the rearview mirror. She gave readers of the illustrated magazine Tempor her recipe for driving away the blues, dashing out of the city and scaring the villages. It is only when you are roaring through the sullen rainy cow towns so that the puddles spray around the ears of the passersby and only sheer chance protects you against disaster on the bends that you start feeling better.
一个不可救药的道路“恶棍”是伊尔卡曼。她是诺贝尔奖得主托尔穆斯的女儿，是速度的狂热爱好者。她喜欢飞驰穿过村庄，并以一种方式让鸡从车轮下穿过，又在后视镜中完好无损地出现。她曾在《临时》画报中为读者提供她驱散忧郁的“秘方”：冲出城市，吓唬村庄。只有当你在阴沉多雨的牛镇中高速行驶，水坑的水花溅到路人耳边，而只有纯粹的运气才能在转弯时保护你免于灾祸时，你才会感觉好些。
On the open country road the chickens, spirited creatures that they are, shambled towards you as you hurl along at 70. Now you can even ensure that they pass directly under the car unharmed by the wheels exactly as if the sun were shining. In the press she talks cachetishly about her many finds. It was only when she was driving her father about that Ilkaman had to watch her speed. The Nobel Prize winner owned two large automobiles, a hush and an open-topped Buick but couldn't drive himself. Instead he loved waving graciously from the back seat as the Buick glided through Munich.
在空旷的乡村公路上，这些活泼的鸡群缓慢地朝你走来，而你则以每小时70公里的速度疾驰而过。现在，你甚至可以确保它们安全地从车底穿过，不被车轮伤害，就如同阳光普照一般。她在媒体上自信地谈论她的众多发现。只有当她载着父亲出门时，Ilkaman才需要注意控制车速。这位诺贝尔奖得主拥有两辆大汽车，一辆是安静的汽车，另一辆是敞篷别克，但他自己不会开车。相反，当别克驶过慕尼黑时，他喜欢从后座优雅地挥手致意。
In Berlin it was possible to indulge in an addiction to speed without endangering the lives of chickens. On the arvus you could really put your foot down. The first racetrack in Germany had been opened in 1921 as an automobile traffic and training road, automobile for chaos and eubungstrasse. You couldn't get very far on it, nine kilometers in a straight line and nine back again with two elevated bends in between. The private road was not connected to the public traffic network until 1940. Anyone who wanted to dash along the arvus amidst swarms of other cars dashing by like planetoids or gunshots as the Swiss author Jakob Schaffner exalted had to pay 10 marks. A three-month ticket cost a thousand marks, a sum that must have seen obscene to most Berliners.
在柏林，可以沉迷于速度的快感而无需担心危及鸡只的生命。在阿尔沃斯赛道上，你真的可以尽情狂飙。德国的第一条赛道于1921年开放，作为汽车交通和训练路使用，其实更像是为汽车混乱而设的练习道路。这条赛道的行驶距离有限，只有九公里的直道，然后往返两次，中间还有两个高架弯道。这条私人道路直到1940年才与公共交通网络连接。如果你想在阿尔沃斯赛道上飞驰，与其他像行星或子弹般飞驰的汽车一同竞速，如瑞士作家雅各布·沙夫纳所热情描述的那样，你需要支付10马克。三个月的通行证要1000马克，对大多数柏林市民而言，这笔金额听起来一定是骇人的。
Part of this price was down to the fact that it was the inflation king Huagushtinus whose investment had made the construction of the arvus possible in the first place. Schtinus' villa on Douglass Strasse to the west of Berlin where his daughter Cleonorre grew up was within hearing distance of the arvus. The roar of engines may have contributed to the fact that Cleonorre had a lifelong addiction to cars. When the arvus was opened she was 20. At 24 she won the All-Russian Test Run and a year later in 1926 the German Grand Prix on the arvus, a stone's throw from our house. A year later at the age of 26 she set off on a round-the-world trip by automobile much of it through regions that had never seen a car before.
这部分价格之所以如此，是因为最初正是由通货膨胀之王胡阿古斯提努斯的投资，使得阿尔弗斯的建设成为可能。施提努斯位于柏林西部道格拉斯街的别墅，是他女儿克利奥诺尔成长的地方，距离阿尔弗斯很近，可以听到它的声音。或许正是引擎的轰鸣声让克利奥诺尔从此对汽车产生了终生的热爱。阿尔弗斯开放时，她20岁。24岁时，她赢得了全俄测试赛，一年后，即1926年，她在离我们家很近的阿尔弗斯上赢得了德国大奖赛。再过一年，26岁的她展开了一场汽车环游世界之旅，许多旅途路段都经过从未见过汽车的地区。
As her family objected to the journey she had to seek sponsors. The Adler company gave her a three-speed 50 horsepower standard six which she called the little one. She had reclining seats put in for sleeping. She set off with 148 eggs as an emergency store, three pistols for self-defense and three evening dresses for diplomatic purposes, accompanied by the Swedish photographer Carl Axel Zudochtruum and a technical team in a lorry. Foreign Minister Strazemann had issued her a diplomatic passport and had oil and petrol stored at German embassies as a precautionary measure. The support team gave up in Moscow. Cleonorre Stennis and Zudochtruum continued on the journey alone over the frozen lake Baikal through the Gobi desert via Beijing to Japan.
由于家人反对这次旅行，她不得不寻找赞助商。阿德勒公司为她提供了一辆三速50马力的标准六型车，她称其为“小不点”。她在车上安装了可以平躺的座椅以便于睡觉。她出发时带了148个鸡蛋作为应急储备，三把手枪用于自卫，还有三套晚礼服以备外交之需。她的随行人员包括瑞典摄影师卡尔·阿克塞尔·祖多赫特鲁姆和一个技术团队，他们乘坐卡车同行。外交部长施特雷泽曼为她签发了外交护照，并在德国大使馆储备了汽油和机油以应对突发情况。技术团队在莫斯科放弃了，但克莱奥诺尔·斯特尼斯和祖多赫特鲁姆继续旅行，穿过冰封的贝加尔湖，途经戈壁沙漠，经北京前往日本。
Here they loaded the little one on a ship and made the crossing to Lima from where they travelled over the Andes. Back in Berlin after almost 47,000 kilometers Cleonorre Stennis married her Swedish companion. She had been required to persuade him several times not to interrupt the hellish journey and in the end he was hardened enough to marry her. They had drunk water from the radiator to keep from dying of thirst. They had escaped tribal princes and warlords by the skin of their teeth and they had nearly frozen to death on several occasions. Cleonorre Stennis was one of the incredible number of strong women of this decade who dared to travel out into unknown continents, into the air, into science and art.
他们在这里把孩子装上船，横渡到了利马，然后穿越安第斯山脉。经过近47,000公里的旅程回到柏林后，克莱奥诺尔·斯坦尼斯与她的瑞典同伴结婚。在这段地狱般的旅程中，她多次需要说服他不要中途放弃，最终他变得足够坚强，与她步入了婚姻。他们曾经为了不让自己渴死而喝汽车水箱里的水，还曾九死一生地摆脱部落王子和军阀的追捕，有好几次差点被冻死。克莱奥诺尔·斯坦尼斯是这一十年中众多勇敢的女性之一，她们敢于探险未知的大陆，飞向天空，探索科学和艺术的奥秘。
And in spite of that sensational journey she was not even the most prominent in the circle of popular women drivers, some of them were real virtuosos at dealing with the media. Up and away women at the wheel. In the trend-setting glossy magazines cars and women were a magical combination that kept reappearing in different forms. It was THE sign of changing times. The new age was dashing onwards with a woman at the wheel. Eight cylinders controlled with no apparent effort and the gentleman racer had been overtaken once and for all.
尽管她的旅途如此引人注目，她在那些受欢迎的女司机中却并不是最出名的。有些女司机是真正的媒体高手，她们驾车的能力令人称赞。女性开车成为了一种时尚。在引领潮流的光鲜杂志上，汽车与女性的组合是一个不断以新形式出现的神奇搭配。这是时代变化的重要标志。新时代正以女性掌舵的形象迅猛推进。八缸发动机在她们手中轻松自如，昔日的男赛车手终于被彻底超越。
There are countless front pages and advertisements in which beautiful women sat in beautiful cars often accompanied by a beautiful slender greyhound that looked as if it obeyed every word. Like their cars however, these women had to be able to present themselves well. They had to look elegant and majestic, or else athletic, boyish and unattached. Ire Kamann knew how to give outings in her beloved Ford a new twist and keep her temple readers engaged with spirited travel columns. She and her brother Klaus published a travel guide to the Riviera.
有无数的封面和广告展示了美丽的女性坐在美丽的汽车中，旁边常常还有一只似乎听话的灰狗。与她们的汽车一样，这些女性也需要能够很好地展示自己。她们要看起来优雅而高贵，或者运动、活泼并充满活力。艾尔·卡曼知道如何让她心爱的福特车之旅变得别具一格，并通过充满活力的旅行专栏吸引她的读者。她和她的弟弟克劳斯还出版了一本关于里维埃拉旅行的指南。
For the series What You Won't Find in Baedica, they proposed an early form of individual tourism, now recommending a grand hotel, now a small pension, often accompanied by tips for cheap parking. Soon however, the driving became much more important for Ire Kamann than the places she visited. Happiness came in the form of a journey, while the landscape became mere shadows and Europe merely a place to drive through, as she put it. On a 10,000 kilometre rally launched by the German automobile club from Munich through Switzerland via France, Spain, Portugal, Italy, Yugoslavia, and Hungary, and back to Berlin, she zoomed 1200 kilometers over land every day, and in the short breaks, she even found time to dictate her racing reports to the temple editorial team. Once, she herself summed up this rather questionable way of experiencing space, Rome? Just a washing opportunity.
在《你在Baedica找不到的东西》系列中，他们提出了一种早期形式的个性化旅游，有时推荐豪华酒店，有时是小型家庭旅馆，常常还伴随着廉价停车的建议。然而，很快驾驶对艾尔·卡曼恩来说变得比她访问的地方更为重要。对她来说，幸福是在旅途中，而风景只不过是影子，欧洲也仅仅是一个可以穿越的地方。在一场由德国汽车俱乐部发起的1万公里拉力赛中，她从慕尼黑穿过瑞士，经由法国、西班牙、葡萄牙、意大利、南斯拉夫和匈牙利，返回柏林。她每天飞驰1200公里，在短暂的休息中，她甚至有时间向编辑团队口述她的比赛报告。她曾经自己总结过这种颇具争议的空间体验方式：“罗马？不过是洗个澡的机会罢了。”
For women such as Ire Kamann, driving at speed was intoxicating. The automobile gave the sexes equal opportunities, it allowed the modern woman to leave her classical role in the dust. Small wonder that the liaison between women and cars almost assumed cult status. The self-portrait of Tamara de Wampitska in a green Bugatti was practically ubiquitous. The jet-setting painter of Russian Polish origins had painted the image for the cover of the July 1929 edition of the Women's Magazine, D'Darma. She sat grandly at the wheel, her hand gloved in soft leather, a scarf wrapped opulently around the neck of the Madonna of the motor car. While her eyes beneath her leather cap were narrowed to skeptical slits and her red lips in a frivolous moo. One long scarf was the undoing of an equally elegant woman.
对于像伊雷·卡曼这样的女性来说，以高速驾驶是一种令人陶醉的体验。汽车给予了男女平等的机会，使现代女性能够摆脱传统角色的束缚。难怪女性与汽车之间的联系几乎被视为一种崇拜现象。塔玛拉·德·瓦姆皮茨卡在绿色布加迪中的自画像几乎随处可见。这位拥有俄罗斯和波兰血统的国际画家为1929年7月《女性杂志》D'Darma的封面创作了这幅画。她庄重地坐在方向盘前，手戴柔软的皮手套，围巾奢华地围在被誉为“汽车圣母”的脖子上。而她在皮帽下的双眼微微眯起，面带轻佻的红唇。一条长长的围巾则成为了另一位同样优雅女性的致命弱点。
In Nice, in September 1927, the dancer Isadora Duncan was throttled by her loose red silk scarf after it got caught in the spokes of the wheel of her sports car. Another reputation, inseparably identified with cars, is that of RØud Lansauf, one of the most glittering figures of Berlin's party and culture scene. Girl driver RØud, as she called herself, loved cars with all her heart. The niece of the publisher Zamoef Fischer and daughter of the opera singer Els El Unsof Levy was one of a kind in Berlin High Society. Even as a young girl, she hurled herself with insatiable curiosity into the cultural scene, drifting through its parties, gallery openings and premieres. She tried everything, modeling, dancing, acting, writing, dog-breeding, the sexes.
在1927年9月的尼斯，舞蹈家伊莎多拉·邓肯因为她松散的红色丝巾被卷入跑车车轮的辐条中而窒息。另一个与汽车不可分割的名声属于RØud Lansauf，她是柏林社交和文化界中最耀眼的人物之一。她自称"女司机 RØud"，对汽车充满热爱。作为出版商Zamoef Fischer的侄女和歌剧歌手Els El Unsof Levy的女儿，她是柏林上流社会中的独特存在。从小她就以无尽的好奇心投身于文化圈，穿梭于派对、画廊开幕和首映礼。她尝试过许多事情：模特、舞蹈、表演、写作、养狗以及探索性别。
There was hardly anyone that she couldn't be which. RØud Lansauf was a real it-girl, and more than that. The painter Oscar Kukoszka broke into her boyfriend's apartment to paint her portrait. She played croquet with Thomas Mann and was disappointed at his stiff performance. When she'd read the thousand pages and more of the diaries of Haigarff Kessler, probably the busiest socialite of the decade, she noted proudly, of the people listed in the index, I knew 315, personally, of course. She even played a minor role in F.W. Mournaus, 1922 film Nosferatu. At the age of 18 RØud Lansauf moved out of the parental home and lived for a few years with Kyle Follmiller, 26 years her senior and no less illustrious.
几乎没有人能不为她所吸引。RØud Lansauf 是一个真正的时尚女性，甚至超越了这个称号。画家奥斯卡·库科斯卡曾闯入她男友的公寓为她画肖像。她曾与托马斯·曼一起玩槌球，并对他拘谨的表现感到失望。当她读完海加夫·凯斯勒那超过一千页的日记后，自豪地发现，那本书的索引中提到的人，有315个是她亲自认识的。当然，她还在F.W.穆瑙1922年的电影《诺斯费拉图》中饰演了一个小角色。在18岁时，RØud Lansauf 离开父母的家，和年长她26岁的凯尔·福尔米勒一起生活了几年，凯尔同样声名显赫。
Follmiller was truly multi-talented. He had already proved himself as an archaeologist, poet, dramatist, theatrical entrepreneur, racing driver and aeroplane engineer by the time Lansauf moved in with him. His play The Miracle was such an international success that he had made a fortune from it alone. Later he would work on the screenplay of Jules F. von Stenberg's Blue Angel, 1930, and secure for the main role. The fact that young RØud was living with Follmiller did not mean that she had abandoned her desire for experimentation. Outwardly it even appeared as if he subsidized her erotic escapades or at least she appeared even more in love with life by his side than she had before.
Follmiller确实是一位多才多艺的人。在Lansauf搬来和他住之前，他已经在考古学家、诗人、剧作家、剧场企业家、赛车手和飞机工程师等领域证明了自己的才华。他的剧作《奇迹》取得了国际上的巨大成功，仅凭此作他就赚取了一大笔财富。后来，他参与了1930年由Jules F. von Stenberg创作的电影《蓝天使》的剧本工作，并为主角一角确保了一位演员。而年轻的RØud与Follmiller同住并不意味着她放弃了对实验的渴望。表面上看，仿佛是他在资助她的情感冒险，或至少表明她在他身边时对生活的热爱比以前更加浓烈。
She lived an openly bisexual life. Like many women of that decade, she liked to dress in men's suits and ties and did everything she could think of to escape the narrow limits of her gender role. She had an intimate friendship with the wealthy Swiss industrialist's daughter, photographer and author Anna Marie Schwarzenbach, whose attractive masculine features also made her an icon of the 1920s, and who was also of course wild about cars, her own took her as far as Persia and Afghanistan. Carl Follmiller loved girls and so did RØud Lansauf.
她公开过着双性恋的生活。像那个年代的许多女性一样，她喜欢穿西装打领带，并尽一切努力去突破性别角色的束缚。她与瑞士富商的女儿、摄影师兼作家安娜·玛丽·施瓦岑巴赫有着亲密的友谊。安娜以她迷人的中性特征成为了20世纪20年代的偶像，她当然也对汽车情有独钟，用自己的车去到了遥远的波斯和阿富汗。卡尔·福尔米勒喜欢女孩，罗德·兰索夫也是。
In the Follmiller system, she had assumed the dubious role of constantly bringing new and younger women to this man in his mid-40s. The author Jan Berger writes, One must imagine the Follmiller house as a casting studio for some of the most important film and theatre productions of the Weimar Republic. In his memoirs, the director Giza von Sifra describes Lansauf's role for Follmiller in these terms. She always gathered young girls around her. She sorted them and those selected ended up in the bed of Follmiller, who passed them on to his friends after a time, like a used car. Whenever Follmiller and Lansauf turned up with two or three pretty girls for afternoon tea in the Aidenbar, people whispered to each other using car language. The Follmiller's are having a test drive.
在福尔米勒的体系中，她承担起了一个可疑的角色，即不断将年轻的女性介绍给这位四十多岁的男人。作者简·贝尔格写道，可以将福尔米勒的住宅想象成魏玛共和国时期一些重要电影和戏剧制作的试镜工作室。在他的回忆录中，导演吉萨·冯·西弗拉这样描述兰绍夫在福尔米勒身边的角色：她总是召集年轻女孩，将她们筛选出来，那些被选中的就会成为福尔米勒的情人，而这些女孩在一段时间后会像二手车一样被他转交给朋友。每当福尔米勒和兰绍夫带着两三个漂亮女孩出现在Aidenbar喝下午茶时，人们就私下用汽车语言议论说，"福尔米勒又在试驾新车了。"
Hari Graf Kessler spoke of Follmiller's Harim on Parisa Platz. There is one often quoted passage from his diaries in which he gives an account of a Follmiller party with a famous dancer and actress Josephine Baker. I drove to Follmiller's Harim on Parisa Platz and found there, apart from Reinhardt and Horschinsky, among half a dozen naked girls. Miss Baker also completely naked apart from a pink muslin apron and little Lansauf as a boy in a tuxedo. Baker danced with extreme grotesque artfulness and stylistic purity, like an Egyptian or archaic figure performing acrobatics without ever falling out of her style. The dancers of Solomon and Tutankhamman must have danced like that. The naked girls lay or danced around among the four or five tuxedo clad gentlemen and little Lansauf, who really looks like a handsome boy, danced modern jazz dancers to the gramophone with Baker.
Hari Graf Kessler 在Parisa广场谈到Follmiller的Harim时，有一段文字经常被引用。他在日记中描述了一场由著名舞者和演员约瑟芬·贝克出席的Follmiller聚会。我驱车来到Parisa广场的Follmiller的Harim，除了Reinhardt和Horschinsky，我还看到大约六个裸露的女孩。贝克小姐也一丝不挂，只系着一条粉色薄纱围裙，而小Lansauf穿着男孩的礼服。贝克的舞蹈极具夸张的艺术性和风格纯粹性，犹如埃及或古代的人物，不失风格地表演杂技。所罗门和图坦卡蒙时代的舞者们一定也是那样跳舞的。裸露的女孩们在四五位穿礼服的男士和小Lansauf周围躺下或起舞，而小Lansauf这个漂亮的男孩则伴随着留声机声，与贝克一起跳起现代爵士舞。
Between Reinhardt, Follmiller and me, all of whom were standing around, Baker and Lansauf lay in an embrace like a pair of young and beautiful lovers. Quite a scene, three men appraising a group of naked women and trying to imagine ways in which they could be used in the culture industry. Carl Follmiller wanted to write a ballet for Josephine Baker, a courtesan's tale, of course. Kessler wanted to contribute a mime based on images from the Song of Solomon with Baker in costume or non-costume, and little Lansauf as Solomon in a tuxedo. The Follmiller system demonstrates the complete ambivalence towards sexual liberation in the Vymer Republic. No one can rule out with any certainty the possibility that Follmiller Salon was as repellent in its way as the office of the film producer Harvey Weinstein.
在莱因哈特、福尔米勒和我三个人围站着的同时，贝克和兰蔡夫紧紧相拥，仿佛一对年轻美丽的情侣。这场景颇为特别，三个男人在评估一群裸体女人，并试图想象她们在文化产业中的用途。卡尔·福尔米勒想为约瑟芬·贝克创作一部芭蕾舞剧，当然是一位名妓的故事。而凯斯勒则想设计一个哑剧，灵感来源于《所罗门之歌》的画面，贝克穿上或不穿服装，小兰蔡夫则打扮成穿晚礼服的所罗门。福尔米勒的体系展示了魏玛共和国对性解放的完全矛盾态度。没有人能够完全排除福尔米勒沙龙和电影制片人哈维·韦恩斯坦的办公室一样令人反感的可能性。
However, Houdlansauf stood by Follmiller after she had split from him and became a promising author, and in 1930 she married the young and extremely handsome businessman, David York von Wadenborg. Even later on, after Follmiller's death in 1948, she took care of his literary estate. She doesn't seem to have felt exploited. Houdlansauf knew very well that she was living outside the rules. I don't refer back. I anticipate, she wrote, but she still felt like a typical representative of her generation, and even sometimes considered herself its voice. From 1927 onwards, she began to work as an author for Ulstein. The publishing house placed big hopes in her, and her provocatively cheeky fresh tone was intended to lift writing out of the stiff and torturous prose that had become commonplace among many Ulstein authors.
然而，霍德兰绍夫在福尔米勒与她分手后，仍然支持她，并且她逐渐成为一个有潜力的作家。1930年，她嫁给了年轻且极其英俊的商人大卫·约克·冯·瓦登堡。甚至在1948年福尔米勒去世后，她还照顾了他的文学遗产。她似乎并没有感到被利用。霍德兰绍夫非常清楚自己过着超脱规则的生活。“我不回顾过去，我期待未来，”她写道。尽管如此，她仍然觉得自己是她那一代的典型代表，有时甚至认为自己是那一代的代言人。从1927年起，她开始为乌尔斯坦出版社工作。出版社对她寄予厚望，她那充满挑衅且活泼的新鲜文风被视为能将写作从许多乌尔斯坦作者常见的呆板和令人痛苦的散文中解放出来。
Things began brilliantly. With her first article, The Low HP Girl, she was introduced in the magazine Diderma as the coming thing. What was crucial was her visual appearance. She posed twice for the article with her white six-cylinder Adler convertible, a dazzlingly beautiful car with a light blue leather top. In one photograph, she sat at the wheel. In the second, she was sitting on the kickboard, her hair ruffled by the wind, a cigarette in her mouth, absolutely stroking her dog. Even down to the pied coat, whose pattern repeats the fur of the pretty animal, the picture is a perfect image of wealth, youth, beauty, and female independence.
事情开始得非常顺利。她的第一篇文章《低血量的女孩》在杂志《迪德玛》上被介绍为前途无量的新星。她的外貌是关键所在。她为文章拍了两次照，背景是她那辆耀眼的白色阿德勒六缸敞篷车，车顶是淡蓝色的皮革制成的。在其中一张照片中，她坐在驾驶位上。在另一张中，她坐在车侧板上，头发被风微微吹乱，嘴里叼着香烟，轻柔地抚摸着她的狗。甚至她的外套也是特别设计的，其图案与这只漂亮动物的皮毛相映成趣。这幅画展示了财富、青春、美丽和女性独立的完美形象。
Within the circle of car-driving women writers, Roudlansauf concentrated on the lifestyle aspects of the subject. Unlike Irekaman, she was less interested in speed than in what one looked like. But no leather trimmings. If you imagine having to repair breakdowns yourself, bring an overall with you and a leather blanket to put on the ground. She recommended to her women readers. She kept them constantly up to date with new tips on equipment. Opportunities for spending money were inexhaustible. Of course, you already have a practical cigarette lighter in your car. But wouldn't it also be nice to have a nice silver case on the dashboard of your car that spits out cigarettes when you press a button? Such a thing was a must-have.
在女司机作家圈子里，Roudlansauf 专注于这个话题的生活方式方面。与 Irekaman 不同，她对速度不那么感兴趣，而更关心的是你的外观。但她不建议使用皮革装饰。如果你想象要自己修理故障，建议带上一件工作服和一条可以铺在地上的皮毯。她向女性读者推荐这些建议。她不断为她们更新装备的新技巧，花钱的机会无穷无尽。当然，你的车里已经有一个实用的打火机。但在你的车仪表板上放一个漂亮的银色烟盒，在按下按钮时自动弹出香烟，岂不是很美妙？这样的东西绝对值得拥有。
Roudlansauf promoted and marketed wrote spontaneously and very youthfully in a skillful teenager style that was particularly striking in the context of the often fussy mode of her milieu. She didn't even balk at the idea of a love story in which a car could feel and suffer, and served as a faithful, pastel-coloured boyfriend to its owner. She reminded her girl drivers to give their sensitive cars grateful kisses on their shiny radiator noses before leaving them alone in the garage. The erotic charge of the relationship between woman and car became a fixed idea in the fashion conscious circles of the Republic.
Roudlansauf推广和宣传的作品以一种非常青春洋溢的风格写作，这种风格在她所处环境中往往显得俗气的背景下尤为引人注目。 她甚至不介意构思一个包含一辆车可以感受和承受痛苦的爱情故事，并将这辆车作为车主忠诚的、色彩柔和的 "男朋友"。她提醒女性驾驶员在把车独自留在车库前，记得在车光亮的散热器前鼻给予感激的吻。在共和国的时尚圈子里，女人和车之间的这种情感关系成为一种固定的想法。
In 1932 in the magazine Kvershnet, also published by Ulstein, Kyle Follmiller claimed, the telephone and the car are currently secondary sexual characteristics of the young girl. He reported from America that at student dancers, 2000 cars belonging to young girls stood outside the club houses or hotels. After the dance, the young people would regularly make their way to the cars for erotic purposes. Strict morals from Boston to San Francisco raise no objections to this. It's the universal fashion, and it's quite seemingly the car hides everything. At the end of the article, he asked himself and his readers, where would today's young girl be without her light blue dove-gray or white cabriole?
1932年，凯尔·福尔米勒在尤尔斯坦出版的杂志《Kvershnet》中声称，电话和汽车是现代年轻女孩的次级性特征。他从美国报道说，在学生舞会场合，有2000辆属于年轻女孩的汽车停在俱乐部或酒店外。舞会结束后，年轻人常常会去车里寻找浪漫时刻。从波士顿到旧金山的严格道德观对这种行为没有任何异议。这是一种全球流行的时尚，而汽车似乎隐藏了一切。在文章的结尾，他问自己和他的读者，今天的年轻女孩如果没有她们的淡蓝色、鸽灰色或白色敞篷车，会是什么样子呢？
This article was written at a time of high unemployment following on from the economic boom. When even a tram journey was too expensive for millions of young women, the freedom embodied by Houtlanshof was light years away and yet quite close, proclaimed as it was from every newspaper kiosk. In the eyes of the unemployed, this kind of freedom must have looked like either an invention by the wealthy or simple mockery. When emancipation comes from above and is so closely related to wealth, at a moment of crisis, it cannot be perceived as anything but humiliating and insulting.
这篇文章写于经济繁荣之后的高失业时期。当时，连乘坐电车对数百万年轻女性来说都太昂贵，Houtlanshof所象征的自由显得遥不可及，但又似乎很近，因为每个报刊亭都在宣传。在失业者看来，这种自由要么是富人的发明，要么就是简单的嘲讽。当解放来自上层，并与财富紧密相连时，在危机时刻，它只能被视为屈辱和侮辱。
The majority of Germans went on foot sat crammed together on the commuter train or took the standing carriage in the Reich railway. In the famous 1927 silent film, Berlin Symphony of a Great City by Walter Roddmann, a swift filmic cross-section through 24 hours of urban life, traffic was defined not only by car tyres, but by train wheels and coupling rods, by tram lines and horses hooves, cartwheels and hand carts, but above all by shoes, people ran, dawdled, strutted, sauntered and marched. Berlin was above all still a city of pedestrians whose paths were constantly being crossed by the flow of vehicles. Like Franz Biebocov in Berlin Alexander Platz, many struggled to make their way through the city, anxious lest they lose the thread of their fragile life story in the tumult of an increasingly uncertain metropolis.
大多数德国人都是步行出行，或者在通勤列车上挤成一团，或者站在帝国铁路的车厢里。1927年，由沃尔特·鲁特曼拍摄的著名默片《柏林：大都市交响曲》中，人们在都市生活的24小时里，交通不仅是由汽车轮胎构成的，还包括火车轮和连接杆、有轨电车线路和马蹄声、车轮和手推车，但最重要的还是鞋子。人们奔跑着、闲逛着、炫耀着、漫步着和行进着。柏林仍然是一个行人之城，他们的步伐不断被车辆流动所打断。就像《柏林亚历山大广场》中的弗兰茨·比博科夫一样，很多人努力在城市中穿行，担忧在这个日益不确定的大都市里，他们脆弱的人生故事的线索会被搞丢。
Marie-Louis Eflicer presented a less glamorous picture of women drivers in her novel Milgeis de Frida Geyer, Flower Saleswoman Frida Geyer, published in 1931. Frida Geyer is a travelling saleswoman in southern Germany. In her Opel-Laupe-Frosch tree frog, the little 4HP model, she drives around the country and tries to sell flour to wholesalers, flour that poor people always find overpriced. For Frida, a free-acting agent, a woman under stress, the laupe-frosch is not a boyfriend but a work tool and a reluctant one at that. The laupe-frosch makes a spectacle like a little green demon and rattles and shakes her bones to the marrow.
在玛丽-路易丝·埃夫利瑟于1931年发表的小说《弗丽达·盖尔的千面》中，她描绘了一个不那么光鲜的女性司机形象。小说中的弗丽达·盖尔是一位活跃在德国南部的旅行推销员。她驾驶着一辆欧宝-Laupe-Frosch“小树蛙”汽车——一款只有4马力的小车型，四处奔走，试图向批发商销售面粉，而穷人总觉得这个面粉价格过高。对于弗丽达来说，这辆Laupe-Frosch并不是她的伴侣，而是一个工作工具，而且是一个不太配合的工具。小车就像一个绿色的小恶魔一样引人注目，并且在行驶时震动得让她骨头都酥了。
She knows every bend in the road by heart. She knows where the laupe-frosch makes an involuntary jump into the air. Today she's a bit late, she lets the frog have its leap, it looks ridiculous when she cranks the light vehicle to the brink of its peak performance. It wouldn't have occurred to Frida Geyer to write a hymn to traffic as the writer Martin Kessel had put it in 1925 in Far off Berlin. Bear cobblestones from you I draw triumph and victory, he wrote, and continued, now carousel forget all thought of danger.
她对这条路的每一个转弯都烂熟于心。她知道哪里小青蛙会不自觉地跳起来。今天她有点迟了，她让青蛙跳过，看起来有点可笑，而她则把轻便的车辆性能推到极限。弗丽达·盖耶不会像作家马丁·凯塞尔在1925年的《遥远的柏林》中那样为交通写颂歌。他写道：“从你，我汲取胜利和荣耀。”并继续说：“现在，旋转木马，抛开一切危险的念头。”
Seven years later in Kessela's office novel Herbréches Fiasco, there is a wonderfully melancholy sketch of traffic in rainy Berlin, not a trace now of triumph and victory. Frau Perlevitz, an elderly unhappy secretary, unsuited to life's daily struggle, snuggled up into the falling damp and hurried home along Friedrich Schreiser. Behind her, Kessela wrote, loomed the rugged maseif of Friedrichstadt, a big, rocky, mists-wathed shadow above which mirrored in the ether an eternal dust trickled a millionfold reflection of the energy that is light and is repeatedly coaxed forth by machines and human hands.
在七年后出版的克塞拉小说《赫布雷切斯的失败》中，有一段对雨中柏林交通的精彩而忧郁的描绘，那里的胜利与辉煌已不复存在。佩尔莱维茨夫人是一位年老且不快乐的秘书，不适应生活的日常奋斗，她裹紧自己，在潮湿的雨中匆匆沿着弗里德里希·施赖瑟回家。在她身后，克塞拉写道，矗立着弗里德里希城坚固的山脉般的建筑，一个巨大的、岩石般的、笼罩在薄雾中的阴影。在它上方的天空中，映射着无数反射着光能的灰尘，那光能是由机器和人类双手不断激发的。
The trams rang out, crowded, illuminated coffins. They were clearing out for Sunday, they were depopulating the office buildings and of the countless passengers, each one who had reached his house number, paused, gripped the handle and disappeared. For now, traffic had done its duty. They were home.
电车叮当作响，拥挤且如同发光的棺材。它们在为周日清空，办公楼里的人渐渐减少。无数乘客中，每一个到达自家门牌号的人都会停下，握住门把手然后消失。此刻，交通任务已完成，他们到家了。