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The Ezra Klein Show - A Democrat Who Is Thinking Differently

发布时间:2025-02-18 10:00:00   原节目
以下是内容的中文翻译: 这一期的《Ezra Klein Show》采访了来自马萨诸塞州的国会议员杰克·奥金克洛斯,重点讨论了民主党在2024年大选后的现状和潜在的未来发展方向。奥金克洛斯批评了他所见的一些民主党人所采用的“健怡可乐”版本的民粹主义,认为那些被特朗普的民粹主义吸引的选民不太可能被一种稀释的模仿所打动。他认为,民主党必须提供一种截然不同的替代方案,解决工人阶级选民(特别是那些从奥巴马转向特朗普的选民)真正的经济焦虑。 奥金克洛斯认为,民主党之所以失势,是因为他们与文化主流脱节,过多地关注文化问题,而不是与切身利益息息相关的“厨房餐桌”问题。他强调,民主党应该毫不犹豫地支持法治、移民、气候行动和枪支暴力预防,但同时也必须在州和地方层面展现出能力和可信度。他认为一个核心的经济信息应该是,税收、住房和医疗保健的成本远低于一半选民的支付额,而这需要解决“成本疾病”。 奥金克洛斯认为,成本疾病是指劳动力密集型、生产力增长缓慢的行业,如住房和医疗保健,其通货膨胀速度快于GDP的现象。他提倡“丰裕议程”,主张释放供应而不是补贴需求。他主张进行分区改革和模块化房屋建造,以增加住房供应,并摆脱传统的木结构建造方法。他承认,这些变革面临政治障碍,并列举了利益集团和复杂的自由主义目标(工会工作、高环境标准、经济适用房)可能会阻碍进展。 奥金克洛斯批评民主党对生物技术和医疗器械技术的怀疑态度,认为这些创新对于解决医疗保健领域的成本疾病和创造更健康的未来至关重要。他建议采取更大胆的想法,比如由州长批准设立拥有宽松分区规定的特许城市,以解决住房短缺问题。他还感叹近年来选举周期对教育的关注不足,并呼吁民主党为疫情期间的学校停课道歉,并承诺提供卓越的教育。他建议拥抱人工智能驱动的辅导,以实现教育的个性化,并摆脱传统的工厂模式。 谈话转向了科技和社交媒体。奥金克洛斯在这些问题上采取了分行业的方法。他支持生物技术、异地建造和区块链(为了赋予创作者权力),但对社交媒体公司的“注意力水力压裂”感到反感。他共同发起了一项关于TikTok的众议院法案,但对缺乏执行力度以及该平台可能被用于政治影响表示担忧。他强调了财富和权力集中在少数科技公司手中,以及中国共产党通过TikTok等平台产生的影响。 奥金克洛斯提议通过对社交媒体公司基于用户在其平台上花费的时间征收增值税(VAT)来对注意力征税。这项税收的收入将用于支持地方新闻业。克莱因对这些资金的分配的实用性和潜在的政治偏见表示担忧。 在讨论即将到来的预算协调法案时,奥金克洛斯预测,共和党人将以医疗保健资金(特别是医疗补助和《平价医疗法案》)为目标,以支付减税的费用。他认为,民主党需要一个比仅仅扩大保险覆盖面更宏大的医疗保健愿景,主张建立人人可及的社区卫生中心。他批评了中间商(如药品福利管理公司)在推高医疗保健成本方面的作用,并呼吁转向补贴医疗保健的提供,而不是仅仅补贴保险。 奥金克洛斯支持私人健康保险提供灾难性覆盖,认为政府可能无法像私营部门那样评估和定价医疗保健。他还讨论了支付方和提供方之间需要更细致的谈判,认为这两个行业的权力集中阻碍了竞争并推高了成本。 这位国会议员最后讨论了反垄断执法的必要性,以防止垄断并促进更具竞争力的经济。他描述了他的经济愿景,即经济像乐高积木一样运作,使个人能够共同创造事物,而不是像大富翁一样,财富集中在少数人手中。他说,这需要对抗企业权力,并推行有利于中间选民(而不是特殊利益集团)的政策。

This episode of the Ezra Klein Show features an interview with Congressman Jake Auchincloss from Massachusetts, focusing on the Democratic Party's current state and potential future direction after the 2024 election. Auchincloss critiques the "Diet Coke" version of populism he sees some Democrats adopting, arguing that voters drawn to Trump's populism are unlikely to be swayed by a diluted imitation. He contends that Democrats must offer a distinct alternative, addressing the real economic anxieties of working-class voters, particularly those who shifted from Obama to Trump. Auchincloss believes Democrats lost ground by losing touch with the cultural mainstream and focusing too much on cultural issues rather than kitchen table concerns. He emphasizes that Democrats should unapologetically stand for the rule of law, immigration, climate action, and gun violence prevention, but must also demonstrate competence and trustworthiness at the state and local levels. He believes a core economic message should be that taxes, housing, and healthcare cost less than half of voters pay, which requires tackling "cost disease." Cost disease, according to Auchincloss, is the phenomenon where labor-intensive sectors with low productivity gains, like housing and healthcare, inflate faster than GDP. He champions the "abundance agenda," advocating for unlocking supply rather than subsidizing demand. He argues for zoning reform and modular housing construction to increase housing supply and move away from traditional stick-built methods. He admits there are political obstacles to these changes, citing interest groups and complex liberal goals (union jobs, high environmental standards, affordable housing) that can hinder progress. Auchincloss criticizes the Democratic Party's skepticism toward biotechnology and medical device technology, arguing that these innovations are crucial for addressing cost disease in healthcare and creating a healthier future. He suggests bolder ideas like governor-sanctioned charter cities with relaxed zoning regulations to address housing shortages. He also laments the lack of focus on education in recent election cycles and calls for Democrats to apologize for school closures during the pandemic and commit to delivering educational excellence. He proposes embracing AI-powered tutoring to personalize education and move beyond the traditional factory model. The conversation shifts to technology and social media. Auchincloss is sector-by-sector on the issues. Auchincloss is pro-biotech, offsite construction, and blockchain (for empowering creators), but revolted by social media corporations' "attention fracking." He co-sponsored the House TikTok bill but expresses concern about the lack of enforcement and the potential for the platform to be used for political influence. He highlights the concentration of wealth and power in the hands of a few tech companies and the influence of the Chinese Communist Party through platforms like TikTok. Auchincloss proposes taxing attention through a value-added tax (VAT) on social media companies based on the time users spend on their platforms. The revenue from this tax would be allocated to supporting local journalism. Klein raises concerns about the practicality and potential for political bias in dispersing these funds. Discussing the upcoming budget reconciliation bill, Auchincloss predicts Republicans will target healthcare funding, particularly Medicaid and the Affordable Care Act, to pay for tax cuts. He argues Democrats need a bolder healthcare vision beyond simply expanding insurance coverage, advocating for community health centers accessible to all. He criticizes the role of middlemen, like pharmacy benefit managers, in driving up healthcare costs and calls for a shift towards subsidizing the delivery of healthcare rather than just insurance. Auchincloss supports private health insurance for catastrophic coverage, believing the government may not be able to value and price healthcare in the same way as the private sector. He also discusses the need for greater granularity in negotiations between payers and providers, arguing that the concentration of power in both sectors inhibits competition and drives up costs. The Congressman concludes by discussing the importance of antitrust enforcement to prevent monopolies and promote a more competitive economy. He describes his vision of an economy that works like Legos, empowering individuals to build things together, rather than like Monopoly, where wealth is concentrated in the hands of a few. He says this requires confronting corporate power and promoting policies that benefit the median voter, not just special interest groups.