This chapter, "Destinies Behind Typewriters," explores the burgeoning class of female office workers in Weimar Republic Germany during the 1920s. As telephone automation increased, the displaced switchboard operators found new roles in the rapidly expanding administrative offices that characterized the era. These "palaces of administration" symbolized power and efficiency, exemplified by impressive architectural achievements like the Heelahouse in Hamburg and the Ige Fábm building in Frankfurt, the latter even inspiring Kafkaesque interpretations of endless bureaucratic processes.
The number of office workers doubled between 1914 and 1933, with women comprising a significant portion, often under the age of 25. These women, a "new phenomenon on the streets," shaped the face of cities and the future. They became the subject of sociological studies, fictional portrayals in film and literature, and even comedic stage productions that sexualized them. This fascination stemmed from their newfound independence, access to money, and influence on popular culture. Their spending power impacted the entertainment industry and fashion trends, making them a crucial demographic.
The reality of the secretary's life was often less glamorous. While the ideal was a combination of hard work, beauty, reliability, and frivolity, the job itself was often ancillary, poorly paid, and subordinate. This ambivalence fueled media curiosity, prompting magazines like Das Leibem and Wu to investigate the "zoology of the shorthand typist," categorizing women into types like the "good girl," "intellectual," and "slut," (though the magazine claimed the latter only appeared in films.) A good secretary, it was suggested, was invisible yet indispensable, subtly steering the boss while remaining unnoticed.
This new class was politically unreliable, caught between the proletariat origins of many and the operational control they exercised over manual workers. While they participated in the modern age, they lived a dual existence. Well-dressed and fashionable at work, they often returned to cramped, impoverished homes. This disparity highlighted the warped economy of happiness associated with office life, where appearance and the imitation of a higher social class were crucial for job security.
The chapter also explores the dynamics within the office environment, focusing on the shift from traditional bookkeeping methods to the increased use of typewriters and female typists. This led to the decline of the older, male bookkeeper, replaced by young women who could operate the new machines with greater speed. The women were criticized for "deprofessionalizing" the office with their jargon.
The chapter highlights ageism, particularly against older female secretaries and male bookkeepers, who found themselves struggling to adapt to new technologies and were often pushed out of their jobs in favor of younger, cheaper labor. The pressures of the job and the precarious nature of their independence led some to desperately seek marriage as a means of financial security.
Finally, the chapter delves into the eroticism and exploitation present in the office environment. While marriage to the boss was common, so were harassment, unwanted advances, and the realization that career advancement often depended on romantic relationships with superiors. Despite these challenges, novels such as Gilgi, one of us pushed back against portraying the life of a secretary as inherently tragic and instead highlighted the protagonist's desire for advancement and independence. The chapter concludes by discussing the attempts to foster worker satisfaction through company outings and sports clubs, and the vast disparity between the opulent office environments and the impoverished living conditions of many of the workers. Ultimately, these young secretaries, trapped between the bourgeoisie world and proletarian world, were highly susceptible to the economic crisis that followed, as they embody the contradictions of their time.